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CAPT. JOHN BROWN. 



The Truth at Last. History Corrected. 



REMINISCENCES 

OP 

OLD JOHN BROWN 

THI^II.T.TISrG INCIDENTS 

OF 

BORDER LIFE IN KANSAS: 



WITH AN APPENDIX, 

CONTAINING STATEMENTS, AND FULL DETAILS OF THE POTTA WOTOMIE MASSACRE, 

BY GOV. CRAWFORD, COL. BLOOD, JAS. TOWNSLEY, COL. WALKER, 

AND OTHERS, TO WHICH IS ADDED 

A REVIEW: BY HON. ELI THAYER, OP MASSACHUSETTS. 



BY G. ^^r. BKO WN, ]VC: B^..^;,^ 

Where thou findest a lie that is oppressing thee extinguish it. wa- exist only to be extinguished. 
Tlu-y wait and cry earnestly for extinction. Think well, meanwhile, in what spirit thou wilt do it: 
not with hatred; not with headlong, selfish violence; but in clearness ot heart, with holy zeal, 
gently, almost with pity.— (.^aulyle. 

Let Truth and Falsehood grapple. Who ever knew Truth put t<k the worse in a free and open 
encounter ? — M ilton. 

ROCKFORD, ILLINOIS: 

STEREOTYPED AND PRINTED BY ABRAHAM E. SMITH. 

1880. 



Kntered aocordins to Act of Oongiess, in the yenr lS7f*, 

P.v G. W. BROWN. M. D.. 

In the Office of the Liljrarinn of ronoreas, at Wa«hiiiirtoii, D. (' 

[All Bishts Reserved.] 



DEDIC-^TIOINr. 



To the HiSTORicAT, Society of Kansas, these humble passes are respectfulh dedicat- 
ed. They have been written at the request of a distinguished citizen of your State, to 
correct any errors that have crept into your early history, from the carelessness of past 
\vriters, or from their desire to eulogize esteemed friends. I hope that neither Malice nor 
Misrepresentation has guided luy pen. 

It has been trulv said tliat the early history of all nations is founded in myth, as is 
that of the world in fable. The American States, though their origin is so recent, are not 
exceptions; and even Kansas, with an organized existence but little exceeding twenty -five 
years, is subject to a like condition. Already she begins to substitute fiction and legend for 
facts. Alreadv she is weaving chaplets to adorn the brows of gods whom she has apothe- 
osized. As one of your oldest journalists, identified with all your early history, and an 
eye witness of many of the incidents narrated, it seems highly proper that I should aid you 
in your very laudable endeavor to Transmit only Truth to Posterity. 

Rockjord, III., January 15, ibdo. The Author. 



INTRODUCTIOISr, 



In September, 1879, the author of these pages, by special invitation, attended the cele- 
bration of the Old Settlers of Kansas, held at Bismarck Grove, near Lawrence, in com- 
memoration of the 25th anniversary of the founding of that State. He heard repeatedly, 
during the two days the convention was in session, the principal character in these pages, 
lauded as the person of all others to whom Kansas is indebted for her rescue from slavery. 
He learned that a monument had been erected to his memory, at Osawotomie, and that it 
V, .IS proposed to send a statue of him to Washington, to adorn the National Capitol, and 
perpetuate his renown. He saw all around him the real heroes in the strife ; those who 
a \ear earlier than old John Brown, had settled in Kansas ; who had taken their families 
with them ; who had sacrificed everything but honor for the triumph of a principle ; who 
bad been genuine models of the brave and true ; while in imagination he turned his eye 
to the cemetery, where the dead martyrs repose, and he inquired of himself : — 

"Must this state of things always continue.'' Shall thej' who endured all but death, 
and who struggled successfully to the end, ever faithful to their convictions, be pushed 
permanently aside to make room for those who were really destitute of merit.'' Shall 
Dow, and Barber, and Hoyt, and Shombre, and Phillips, and the other immortal dead, 
rest in unknown graves, while the towering shaft, the sculptured marble, and the brightest 
page of history emblazon the name of him who retarded our efforts, threw obstacles in 
th.e way of our success, discouraged honest endeavor, and who blackened our otherwise 
bloodless escutcheon with crime and death .■' Shall tongue remain silent, and pen at rest, 
while the realtactors — the genuinely brave — shall die, and their memories pass into obliv- 
ion t No ! Twenty years have passed since old John Brown paid the penalty of his 
folly and wrong-doing with his life ! The time has come, if it ever will come, when the 
TRUTH of histoiy must be vindicated ; when the principal facts in his Kansas adventures 
ought to be given to the world ; when they who have been crowded aside and treated as 
non -entities should take the front, and wear the garlands so long adorning dishonored 
brows. Though other duties are pressing, and my pen has been idle for years, yet / -mHI 
'M rite for preservation, and leave to those who shall succeed me, what I know and be- 
lieve in regard to old John Brown ! " 

Permeated with these feelings I returned to rc\y home, delighted with what I had seen 
of the material prosperity of Kansas ; gratefui for the cordial welcome I had received at 
the hands of my old associates ; and gladdened at the brilliant future awaiting this infant 
and central State ; but mortified as I contemplated the wrongs perpetrated upon my com- 
peers, by awarding merit where it did not belong, and leaving those entitled to the true 
meed of Fame to languish in obscurity, soon to pass into forgetfulness. 

' A few ilays after reaching home I received a copy of the Lawrence Journal, when my 
eve fell upon a marked article, and read at the head of it, "An Open Letter to Geo. W. 
Brown, from Gov. Robinson." "What have I done," thought I, "that I should be called 
:o account by Gov. Robinson .'" This was the first impulse. I read, and was startled 
witJi his proposition ! "Wonder," thought I, "if he had the same feelings with myself at 



REMINISCENCES OF OLD JOHN BROWN. 



Bismarck Grove ? Wonder if, as he looked over that vast assembly, as its presiding officer, 
and back over the darkened history of Kansas, and thought of the mouldering dead who 
laid down their lives that Freedom might live, and heard eulogy on eulogy, the sweet voice 
of song, and the loud trump of F^ame, all enlisted in favor of a single person whose name 
is hardly worthy of preservation, — wonder if he felt as I in regard to that character?" 

I took my pen and hurriedly answered. The two letters, — that of Gov. Robinson, and 
my own in reply, — are on the following pages, and the product of his request, so far as 
relates to John Brown, constitutes the substance of this humble volume. 

I hope some day to re-write it, and correct such errors as my attention has been or 
ma\ be called to, by personal friends and gentlemanly critics, or which the malice of bitter 
enemies may point out. 



OOM^ESFONDElSrOE. 



Lawrence, Kansas, September 22, 1S79. 

Dr. Geo. W. Brown — Dear Sir : — Your presence at the Old Settlers' Gathering, on 
the 15th and i6th instant, as well as your intimate connection with every movement in 
Kansas, in 1855, '56 and '57, has created a desire on the part of the friends of truth and 
history, to hear from you relative to those critical times. The Histomcal Society is col- 
lecting data on all matters of general interest, from the actors in the drama, but so far 
has nothing from you. As you were never in office, and never desired any, so far as I 
ever knew, and were never under obligations to active participants in the struggle, your 
testimony ought to be impartial. One subject seems just now to be uppermost in the 
minds of writers of history, and that is, where to place Gen. Lane and John Brown. One 
writer says : "Lane's actions and eftbrts in 1856 deserve the highest praise. * He was 
the only man the people could tie to," etc. 

Another writer says : "If I were to name two men of different tastes and ambitions, to 
whom Kansas owes most for her deliverance from tlw clutches of the slave power, I 
would mention James H. Lane and John Brown." 

And another writer says : "His services were greatly over-estimated. He also did a 
great deal of bad. He was the originator of the corruption in politics that Kansas is 
credited with. His forte was bulldozing and deceit. He killed himself because he under- 
took to sell Kansas out, but found he could not deliver the goods." 

Still another calls him, "the greatest liar of his time," and says he should be held up as 
a warning to young men. 

It is plain that neither their beneficiaries and partisan worshippers, nor their enemies, 
can be fully relied upon to do full justice to these men. A statement, to be valuable as 
history, should be unbiased, with nothing extenuated and nothing set down in malice. — 
Can you give such a statement, show what policy these men advocated, tell whether the 
j.coplc in critical times followed their counsels, and if it was by pursuing their lead and 



REMINISCENCES OF OLD JOHN BROWN. 



advice, Kansas was a\-ed from slavery, or the reverse ? This will settle the question 
of the value of their services better than any amount of detraction by enemies, or fulsome 
laudation by friends. It is not eulogy nor censure that is desired, but facts for the 
historian. Very Truly, C. Robinson. 



RocKFORD, Illinois, October lo, 1879. 

Gov. Chas. Robinson: — Yours of the 32d ult., which I first saw in the Lawrence 
Journal, is at hand. You ask me to furnish facts to enable the historian to know where 
to place Gen. Lane and John Brown in the history of Kansas. You predicate this desire 
on my "intimate connection with every movement in Kansas associated with her early 
history, with freedom from personal or party bias, and from lack of obligation to anv of 
the active participants in the strife." 

il went to Kansas in the autumn of 1854, taking a party of nearly three hundred with 
me from Pennsylvania. I also took with me a large printing establishment, and frinted 
on Kansas soil, several days in advance of any other, the first Free State neivspaper 
fublislied in that Territory. i,^_^ 

My wife, father, mother, sister, brother, and nearest friends accompanied me. Our 
object was neither honor nor emoluments ; but thoroughly imbued with anti-slaverv 
sentiments, we w-ent there to make Kansas a Free State. That end attained, my mission 
was ended. At the close of the war, in 1865, I bade adieu to all my earlv associates in 
Kansas, those with whom I spent eleven of the best years of my life, and located in this 
beautiful city, in Northern Illinois, where, probably, I shall spend the residue of mv vears ; 
I trust in quiet, at peace with all the world. 

About a year ago I received a letter from Hon. John Speer, stating that he was about 
to write a biographical history of Kansas ; that my name, with others, had been selected 
for a place in its pages ; closing by requesting a sketch of leading incidents in my life, for 
publication. I wrote him, substantially, in reph' : "That I had no ambition to perpetuate 
myself in history ; that I had done the best 1 knew to advance the material interests of 
humanity ; that I had always determined the world should be better for my having lived 
in it ; that the stream. of Time was rapidly flowing onward ; that in a very few vears all 
would reach the great gulf of Oblivion, where we should disappear together; and that I 
had no motive in trying to float on its darkened bosom, conscious that in the end, my 
fate would be that of every other lover of his race." 

While this is still my feeling, as regards myself, I recognize this fact, that "Truth is a 
debt which every man owes his neighbor." 1 also remember an axiom, by the "Author- 
Hero of the Revolution," that "Facts are but links in the great chain of truth." If there 
are missing links in the chain of Kansas history, which I have the ability to supply, con- 
nected as I was with its early settlement, in the capacity of a journalist, "All of which I 
saw and a part of which I was," it is my duty to do so ; hence I accept of your \crv kind 
invitation, and will commence a series of articles relating to Capt. John Brown in Kansas 
immediately.' That pertaining to Gen. Lane I will defer for a time. 

I shall endeavor to state nothing but facts, as seen from my own stand-point ; will 
answer any pertinent questions honestly submitted w-ith the view of arriving at truth, and 
will leave others to make their own deductions as to the place the names you mention 
deserve on the scroll of Fame. Your own intimate connection with almost everv event 
in the early history of Kansas, will enable you to either corroborate or correct mv state- 
ments, while impartial criticism, and such new light as shall be thrown upon the subjects 
of my sketches during their publication, will dispel much error, now honestly entertained 
in regard to these historic cliaiacters. \ &\y Truly, G. W. Bkowm. 



IPI^E^^^f^TOIR- 



For the better understanding of what 
shall be said in regard to the subjects of 
these inquiries, it may be well to iufonn 
the reader at the outset, that there were 
two classes of early settlers who went 
out to Kansas from the Northern States. 
Indeed, it seems just to say there were 
three classes. 

Thefirst of these, and by far the most 
numerous, were those^who met the issue 
sguarely which was presented them in 
the Kansas-Nebraska act. They had no 
other idea than to settle the question by 
the ballot. In short, they accepted the 
doctrine of "popular sovereignty,'' as 
enunciated in the organic law, and as 
the Missouri Compromise, prohibiting 
slavery North of 36 degrees, was re- 
pealed, and the question was to be set- 
tled at the polls, their ambition was 
to get as many pioneers as pos- 
sible from the free North, whose 
e lucation, prejudices, instincts, and 
interests were all for freedom. This 
idea was clearly set torth in the leading 
ed t r al in the first number ot the Her- 
ald of Freedom^ edited and published by 
the writer, and was the guiding principle 
of that paper throughout the whole period 
of its publication. Papers like the Lib- 
erator,, by Wm. Lloyd Gai-rison ; the Anti' 
Slavery Standard,, under the direction of 
Oliver Jolinson; and the Anti-Slavery 
Bugle, published at Salem, Ohio, took 
issue with these positions, and complain- 
ed that those who followed such leaders 
and teachings, were fighting the battles 
of freedom on a low plane; that they had 
no right to expect success; that defeat 
was inevitable; that it was deserved, and 
that no genuine anti-slavery man could 
co-operate with them. Every movement 
in the ^direction of a pacific settlement 
of our difficulties was scouted, np/l stio'- 

matized as "an attempt to sell out the 



Free State party," and with liaving 
"gone over to the enemy." 

The second class of settlers consisted 
of a comparatively small number. They 
made up for this in activity ; were mostly 
young men, without families or homes of 
their own. They were literally "carpet- 
baggers." Their desire was to emljroil 
the country in war. They claimed to be 
genuine haters of slavery, but saw no 
means for its extinction save through 
revolution. Every opportunity was 
sought to influence the public mind, and 
incite a contest. Letters were written 
and books published in their interest. It 
required caution, coolness and great ac- 
tivity to foil these workers of mischief in 
their many bloody schemes. Actual set- 
tlers and property holders were constant 
sufferers because of the excesses of these 
men. When danger assailed the Terri- 
tory, the less brave of them had business 
in the States; when all was pacific they 
would return, renew their violence, and 
again away. 

And then the third class: They had 
no principle in the matter. They were 
governed wholly by selfish interests; and 
always acted with that wing of the party 
from which at the time they supposed 
they had most to hope. We never knew 
where to find them, or what to expect at 
their hands. To-day, perhaps, pro-slavery; 
to-morrow very conservative free white 
State Democrats, and next day rabid ab- 
olitionists; and thus varying through all 
phases of the question, as they supposed 
public sentiment had changed. 

I am glad to say there were but a very 
limited few who occupied these latter 
positions. They, however, seriously em- 
barrassed proper action at times,and their 
influence on more than one occasion 
seriously threatened the final favorable 
result. 



E2sZ^^Ij.A.:bT.A.TOI^"Z"- 



I was called upon the next day after 
my Reply to Gov. Robinson, was pub- 
lished in the Gazette, by a gentleman 
of Rockford, who requested me to "Re- 
member that John Brown and Jas. H. 
Lane are dead, and that I should be 
humane in the treatment of these historic 
characters." 

My recollection coincided with my 
clerical friend, in regard to the death of 
these personages, so I replied : 

"I am writing /af^is for history, and as 
a faithful historian I shall endeavor not 
to withhold anything because they are 
dead, that is necessary to a truthful 
knowledge of their real characters; and 
certainly shall not give anything from 
malice, for I held none towards either of 
them while living." 

More than twenty years have passed 
since any of these events I shall narrate 
have occurred. I have not been iden- 
tified for more than fourteen years with 
Kansas, her politics, individuals, or his- 
tory. For nearly eleven years previous I 
was familiarly intimate with nearly every 
transaction relating to her early settle- 
ment. The Historical Society of Kansas 
is gathering up important events con- 
nected with those times,for preservation in 
her archives, before all the actors in them 
Bhall pass away. Gov. Robinson is the 
honored Chairman of that Society, and, 
as such, asks me to tell the truth in re- 
gard to the connection of John Brown 
and Gen. Lane with that history. f 

Is it less my duty, as a liistorian, to 
tell the truth because a man is dead? 
There are times when silence may be ob- 
served; but not when trutliful historic 
are written, and good and bad actions 
alike pass in review. Biographers, wish- 
ing to eulogize the heroes of whom they 
•write, usually suppress important facts in 
regard to tlieir characters, and exagger- 



ate others, until they make demi-gods of 
very common personages. 

It was a habit in a past age to deify all 
persons of distinction; and, it is said, 
the habit still prevails in semi-civilized 
China. The consequence has l>ecn that 
many names have come down as worthy 
exemplars for our imitation, who, were 
they living to-day, and practicing the 
vices and crimes they were hourly perpe- 
trating, we would lose no time in closing 
the bars of a penitentiary on them, else 
execute them on the gallows. 

Many of our modern histories are only 
fictions of an idle brain. The authors 
clothe their characters in habiliments of 
perfection, yea, of god^, and geaunS 
merit is left to languish and die in oo- 
scurity. 

The writer bows to no shrine but Truth. 
He has seen too many heroes manufac- 
tured from very poor material to have an 
excess of love for any of them. The 
best of characters had their frailties. 
Tliese must be known, to judge correctly 
of their worth. 

If professed historians and biographers 
overdo their characters, it is due the liv- 
ing that their falsehoods be corrected, 
and their concealments exposed to the 
full light of day. 

In writing of John Brown and Jas. 
H. Lane, for preservation by the Histori- 
cal Society of Kansas, as before stated, I 
shall endeavor to give the truth as I saw 
it. It these facts add additional lustre to 
their fame, it is well; if they detract 
therefrom it is the misfortune of the 
characters that they were human, not 
gods, as their biograpliers, eulogists and 
romancers would have us believe. 

Inviting impartial criticism to every- 
thing herein said, we submit the whole 
to the candid consideration of a truth- 
loving ])ubiic. 



miTM wmi OF mm vsi in um 



FIRST NOTICE OP JOHK BROWN IN KANSAS 
HISTORY. 

I think it was sometime m August, of 
855, that the proceedings of an "Ultra 
Abolitionist" convention, held somewhere 
in Central New York, were first pub- 
lished in the Anti-Slavery Standard. 
The convention was presided over by the 
Hon. Gerritt Smith. During the first 
day the report, as published, stated in 
substance that "A gentleman standing 
six feet in his boots, thin face, dark com- 
plexion, with flowing beard, and gray 
hair, lithe and straight, about sixty years 
of age, arose and said : "That he had 
four sons in Kansas, and three others who 
wished to join them there, but they had 
not funds to pay their way ; besides, he 
was opposed to sending any person there 
without arms ; that he was a firm believer 
in the doctrine that "Without the shed- 
ding of blood there is no remission;" that 
if the actors in this convention were ultra 
abolitionists, as they claimed, and de- 
sired to do something practical for Kan- 
sas, they would arm and send his three re- 
maining sons to Kansas, and send arms 
to the boys already there ; that if they 



would do so he would accompany them, 
and would promise a good report of their 
doings." 

In the proceedings of the following 
day appeared the statement that "Ger- 
ritt Smith presented to Jolin Brown, in 
open session, seven voltaic repeaters, 
seven broad swords, seven muskets with 
bayonets, and a purse of gold ; and told 
him to go to Kansas, talce his remaining 
sons with him, arm them ; and, as he had 
promised, make a faithful report of his 
action there in behalf of human freedom, 
and in the cause of the oppressed." 

More than twenty-four years lie be- 
tween the reading of those proceedings 
and the present; but the main facts are 
indelibly enstamped on my memory, and 
why? 

My father had a brother by the name 
of John Brown. He removed to Western 
New York, sometime between 1810 and 
1815. The last heard of him he was a 
Sheriff in some western county. In ar- 
resting a prisoner he received a pistol 
shot in his body, and his physician 
wrote the family he would probably die. 
When I read these proceedings I thought 



REMINISCENCES OF OLD JOHN BKOWN. 



t possible the earnest John Brown waS 
the living uncle, and more particularly as 
his age, size, &c., generally coincided 
with that of my lost :e!a.ive, of whom I 
1 ad often heard my father speak. 

ACQUAINTANCE OP TEE SONS. 

The Big Springs Convention, where 
the Free Stale party was organized, was 
c iiiveued on the 5th of September, 1855 
I was a delegate, and I think one of the 
secretaries. In reading the list of dele- 
gates, reported by the committee on 
credentials, the names of John Brown,Jr. 
and Frederick Brown, occurred as in 
attendance from Pottawattomie Creek. 
I saw who answered to the name when 
called, and, at my first leisure, made my 
way to John, Jr., and inquired if he was 
one of the sons of John Brown, the ac- 
tor in the recent Abolition Convention of 
New York. He answered in the affirma- 
tive. I introduced myself, had but a few 
words of hasty conversation, and found 
that our families were in no way con- 
nected. He introduced me to his brother 
Frederick. During recess we had further 
conversation, and at the close of the con- 
vention they accompanied me to Law- 
rence, and remained at my home over 
night. 

Another Free State Convention was 
held at Topeka, on the 19th and 20th of 
October, 1855, where I again met the 
brothers John and Frederick. We stop- 
ped at the same boarding house and John 
and I occupied the same bed. I am thus 
definite that the reader may understand 
how and why I became so well acquaint- 
ed "with the character of whom I write. 

THfe WAKAUUSA WAR. 

"We pass to the 27th of November, 
1855, when the tocsin of war was again 
Bounded in Lawrence. 

Chas W. Dow. a former employe in the 
Herald of Freedom office, was killed by 
F. M. Coleman, some ten to twelve miles 



south of Lawrence, on the 21st of Novem- 
ber, 1855, growing out of a disput« be- 
tween the parties, relative to a division 
line between their respective claims. He 
was siiot in the back, while leaving a 
blacksmith shop,where each of the parties 
had been for work. Dow was boarding 
with Jacob Branson, and his body was 
removed there. On the 26th of Novem. 
ber, a public meeting was held by citi- 
zens of the neighborhood, and resolu- 
tions were passed resolving to bring 
Coleman, with his accomplices, Hargus 
and Buckley, to justice. On the same 
day of the meeting, Harrison Buckley 
swore out a j^eace warrant against Bran- 
sou, and placed it in the hands of S. J. 
Jones, who wrote himself "Sheriff ot 
Douglas county," for execution. 

Branson's residence was broken into by 
a force estimated at twenty-five, on the 
night of the 26th, and he was taken by a 
circuitous route to the crossing of the 
Wakarusa, at Blanton's Bridge, near 
which he was rescued by his neighbors, 
under the command of S. N. Wood, of 
Lawrence, who had been in the neigh- 
borhood of the excitement during the 
day. 

Jones, who, though "Sherift' of Doug- 
las county," Kansas, was at the same 
time Postmaster at Westport, Mo., sent 
dispatches to Missouri, and afterwards 
to Gov. Shannon, whose headquarters 
were at the Shawnee Mission, two miles 
from Westport for assistance. 

A proclamation was immediate- 
ly Issued by that functionary, stat- 
ing that Lawrence was in rebellion ; de- 
manding the people to lay down their 
arms, and calling upon the forces of the 
Territory to rally to the aid of the Sher- 
iff, and aid in enforcing his process. Mis- 
souri, as was her habit on such occasions, 
responded, and an army some 2,000 strong 
was soon raised, and with shot guns 



REMINISCENCES OF OLD JOHN BROWN. 



muskets stolen from tlie government ar- 
senal at Lil)erty, and whatever weapons 
they could get hands on, with a piece of 
artillery, moved on the fated town. 

At Lawrence we were constantly ad- 
vised, by volunteer messengers, of wha*- 
■was transpiring. A meeting of the citi- 
zens was hastily called, and the facts 
were stated. We knew that Missouri only 
wanted a pretext for our entire extinc- 
tion. A Committee of Public Safety was 
immediately appointed, consisting of ten 
persons, ot which I had the honor of be- 
ing a member. I was also a member of the 
Territorial Executive Commiitee,as belore 
stated, appointed at Big Springs on 
the fifth of September, re-indorsed 
at the Topeka Convention on the 19th of 
September, and confirmed by the Con- 
stitutional Convention in October, and 
by a provision in the Constitution itself. 
The Lawrence meeting closed with the 
appointment of that Committee of Pub- 
lic Safety, which was clothed with ample 
power for the emergency. The Commit- 
tee held an immediate session, organized 
by the election of a Chairman and Sec- 
retary. On my motion Dr. Chas. Robin- 
son was made Commander-in-Chief, and 
was empowered to appoint subordinates, 
to organize the forces of the town, and 
do whatever was necessary for the com- 
mon defense ; he to report his action to 
the Committee for approval. Provision 
was made that a quorum of the Commit- 
tee, consisting of six members at least, 
should continue in session until the im- 
pending danger should pass. Their 
headquarters, as that of the Commander 
and his subordinates, were in the Free 
State Hotel, whilst the Territoritl Exec- 
utive Committee held its sessions at the 
otBce of John Hutchinson and A. D. 
Searl,~on the East side of the street 
Being a member of each Committee, my 
presence during the day was almost con- 
tmually required with one or the other. 



Moments of leisure were filled in writing 
a daily journal of the incidents of the 
campaign, which was published in the 
next number of the Herald of Freedom 
after the close of the war, while nights I 
did service on picket. 

The Commander dispatched messen- 
gers to various Free State settlements 
asking assistance. These requests were 
promptly responded to, as all were aware 
the common fate would be that of Law- 
rence, until some 800 persons had assem- 
bled, with such rude arms as they could 
command for defense. Defenses were 
thrown up, sentinels were posted, and 
everything put on a war-like appearance. 

JOHN BROWN IN LAWRENCE. 

It was near sunset, I should think 
about the 3rd of December, when, in the 
distance, towards the South, a strange 
looking object was seen approaching Law- 
r jnce. With many others I watched it. As 
it neared it proved to be the skeleton of 9 
horse, covered with a poorly-stuffed skin, 
wearily dragging a rather large one-horse 
lumber wagon. I think there were seven 
men standing in the box, which was made 
of wide, undressed, and weather-stained 
boards. Each man supported himself by 
a pole, of probably six to eight feet in 
lengtli, surmounted with a bayonet. The 
poles were upright, and held in place at 
the sides of the box by leather loops 
nailed to the sides. Each man had a vol- 
taic re[jeater strapped to his person,a3 
also a short navy sword; at the same time 
supporting a musket at the position of 
"order." A formidable arsenal, well 
manned — all but the horse. 

As the party dismounted I grasped the 
hands of John and Frederick Brown, who 
introduced me to their father and brothers. 
Leaving the horse unhitched at the door 
I took the whole family to the rooms of 
the Committee of Public Safety, and in- 
troduced them. On my suggestion a 
company of veterans was soon organized 



8 



REMINISCENCES OF OLD JOHN BROWN. 



and the command given to Old John 
Brown, who he represented had served as 
a private at the batUe of Plattsburg, in 
the war of 1813. [If this is true, he was 
but fourteen years of age, as we see by 
his life he was born May 2, 1800. The 
battle of Plattsburg was fought in Sept. 
1814.] My father, who held a Captain's 
commission in that war, and was an ac- 
tive participant in the battle there, was 
made 1st Lieutenant, and I think O. 
Wilmarth was 2d Lieutenant. The whole 
company, as thus organized, consisted of 
twenty-five members. Here, at my sug- 
gestion, John Brown was first clothed 
with the title of Captain, conferred on 
him in the Wakarusa war, by Gov. Rob- 
inson, and approved by the Committee 
of Public Safety. 

On the 9th of December an under- 
standing was reached between Gov. Shan- 
non, representing the beleagures, Gov. 
Robinson and Col. Lane, representing 
the citizens. 

On the 10th the people were mar 
shalled in front of the Free State Hotel, 
from the steps of which Gov. Shannon 
made a short speech, in which he stated 
that matters had been unfortunately pre- 
cipitated by their not understanding 
each other, and that he was glad to have 
a pacific termination of the affair. I think 
Gov. Robinson made a few remarks in 
the same direction. It was at this stage 
of procedure, when old John Brown 
mounted a piece of timber lying near 
the corner of the hotel, and began to 
harangue the crowd. He said the peo- 
ple of Missouri had come to Kansas to 
destroy Lawrence; that they had be- 
leagured the town for two weeks, threat- 
ening its dcistruction ; tliat they came for 
blood ;that he believed, ''Without the shed- 
ding of blood there is no remission;" and 
asked for volunteers to go under his 
command, and attack the pro-slavery 
camp stationed near Franklin, some four 
iii'es from Lawretice. 



Listening to his speech to this point I 
made my way to the room of the Com- 
mittee of Public Safety, where others 
came immediately, leaving the Captain 
trying to excite insubordination. Col. 
G. W. Smith was instructed by the Com- 
mittee to place him under arrest, and de- 
tain him in custody until the excitement 
should cease. Col. Smith made his way 
direct to the Captain, took him by the 
arm, and requested to speak with him. 
Leading the Captain away, the storm 
that he was i citing was soon at an end. 

Gov. Shannon issued orders sending 
his posse back to their homes. ^ That 
night, the 14th of December a "Norther" 
broke upon their camp, the coldest I 
ever recollect in Kansas, when the beseig- 
ers, under duplicate orders — Gov. Shan- 
non and a frigid north — made a hasty 
and bloodless retreat to Missouri. Capt. 
Brown, his sons with their military sup- 
plies, the over-burdened wagon, and the 
venerable horse also retired from their 
first field of glory. 

Redpath says, page 88 of his Life of 
Brown, that 

"He went out once with a dozen men 
to meet the Missouri invaders 'to draw a 
little blood,' as he styled it — but, at the 
earnest entreaties of Gen. Lane, he re- 
turned to town without doing it." 

"Lane sent for him to attend a council 
of war. The reply was characteristic of 
the brave old man, who despised all man- 
ner of assumptions, with no fact behind 
them to give them vitality, and^a title to 
respect." 

" 'Tell the General,' he said, 'that when 
he wants me to fight, to say so; but that 
is the only order I will ever obey.' " 

IfRedpath's assertions are true, that 
the Captain "despised all manner of as- 
sumption with no facts behind to give 
them vitality," he would have been ter- 
ribly disgusted with that statement, aa 
with nearly the entire mass of simila 



EE^llNISCENCES OF OLD JOHN BROWN. 



9 



cues made in that euloijy of John Brown, 
err.incously called a "Life." 

CAPT. CHARLIE LENHART. 

These rvecollections would be very in- 
complete without reference to Charley 
Lenhart, as he was a junior John 
Brown, minus the latter's principles and 
piety. Charley came to Kanaas 
from Iowa, where he left a widowed 
mother, in the spring of 1855. lie was 
then 18 to 19 years of age. He applied 
for a situation as typo in the Herald of 
Freedom office. I erave him a "case," and 
agreed to board him in my family, con- 
ditioned he could find lodging elsewhere. 
To this he assented, and commenced 
type-setting. He was a faithful worker, 
always at his post, but proved quite lim- 
ited in experience as a practical printer. 
As I paid by the thousand for his labor, 
this did not affect me, so he continued, 
always the first at the case in the morn- 
ing, and the last to leave at night. 

Late in the autumn of '55, during a 
cold driving ''Norther," accompanied 
with rain, he asked the privilege of lying 
on tlie floor in the office for the night. I 
thought the request a strange one, and 
inquired: 

"Why don't you remain where you 
have been through the summer?" He 
replied — 

"The roof is rather leaky," looking out 
at the driving storm. 

"You don't mean to say that you have 
been sleeping out of doors through the 
summer?" 

"Every night since I have been in your 
service, I have slept on the open prairie, 
and could do so to-night, but don't like 
to." 

"That will not be necessary," I re- 
plied. "Had you reported the fact to me 
I could have made provision for you 
long ago." 

From that time until he left my em- 
ploy, Charley had a bed indoors. The 



colloquy explained why he had al- 
ways disappeared late at night, with a 
blanket, and was so early at his post in 
the morning. Justice to Kansas climate 
requires me to say, that during all that 
season he was reposing on the lap oi 
mother earth, with the stars to look up- 
on, and^the green grass a pillow, protect- 
ed from the night dews by a single 
blanket only, he was a picture of perfect 
health. 

Charley did faithful service for Kansas 
during the Wakarusa war, in the fall of 
'55, but from that forth I could not 
count on him with certainty. It 
there was any wild adventure on foot he 
was the leader, and away ! 

After the destruction of the Herald oj 
Freedom office in '56, Lenhart seemed to 
have adopted a guerilla life, and I only 
heard of him through others thereafter. 
He appeared intimate with both Lano 
and Brown, and held himself ever ready 
to execute their wishes. His associatea 
were of the dare-devil stripe, of which 
John E. Cook was a representative. He 
was fearless and brave, and always in 
sympathy with the fighting Free State 
men. Like old John, he required large 
"contributions" from '.he enemy, and dis- 
appeared with his patron saint in the 
autumn of 1859, 3ince which I think 
there is no intelligence of him. It was 
reported he was shot under the walls of 
the prison at Charlestown, Va., wherein 
Brown was imprisoned, and where he 
was reconnoitering with a view of effect- 
ing the Captain's escape. 

About 1864, a gentlemin who knew 
Charley's mother well, in Iowa, called on 
me hoping td get some information ia 
regard to him, he stating that after he 
left the Herald of Freedom office, she nev- 
er heard again from him by letter. 

PEKSONAL TO THE WRITER. 

The following facts concerning the 
writer, explains somewhat incidents 



10 



REMINISCENCES OF OLD JOHN BROWN. 



closely connected witii these Reminiscen- 
ces, and seem necessary to understand 
•what shall follow. He would be glad 
to keep in the back-ground, but cannot 
comprehend how he can give his recollec- 
tion of events,in which he was an actor in 
common with the persons of whom he 
"Writes, without occupying a front posi- 
tion with them. 

So many outrages had been perpetrat- 
ed on property in transit up the Mis- 
souri, and at Kansas City, destined to 
Kansas, as also upon persons making 
their way to the Territory, that a public 
meeting was held at Lawrence, on the 
second floor of the Emigrant Aid Com- 
pany's building, on Massachusetts 
street, on the evening of the 28th 
of March, 1856, Speeches were 
made, numerous instances of out- 
rages were narrated, among others the 
breaking open of a box at Kansas City, 
containing a piano, directed to Orville 
C. Brown, of Osawatomie, under 
the pretense of its containing Sharp's 
rifles. Resolutions denouncing the oc- 
currences were passed, and a committee 
■was appointed, consisting of E. Nute, 6. 
W. Brown, and G. W. Hutchinson, with 
instructions to visit St. Louis, Alton, Chi- 
cago, Cincinnati and Pittsburg, and to 
make all needful arrangements for the 
establishment of a trusty line of steam- 
ers, to leave some safe point on the Mis- 
sissippi and land in Kansas. 

I left home in obedience to these in- 
structions, in advance of the other mem- 
bers of the committee on the 1st of 
April, descended the Missouri, and heard 
much e/i route of a contemplated raid on 
Lawrence " as soon as the grass shall 
grow." 

At Alton I called a public meeting, and 
elicited great enthusiasm among business 
men, in the enterprise. Going to Chica- 
go, I made arrangements in that city for 
ii puljlic meeting a few evenings after. 
iMy name liuving been |lullli^h^(l in the 



list of " arrivals," Jas. Redpath, being in 
the city, saw the notice, and called on me 
at the Tremont. He stated he 
was on his way to Kansas and wished 
to borrow a revolver. As the history 
of that revolver, which I loaned him, 
will form my next sub-division, I will 
hasten to close my own connection with 
these incidents by stating that soon after 
I visited Rockford, talked to a good audi- 
ence in Warner's Hall, on the night after 
the municipal election, while bonfires 
and rejoicings were going on outside over 
the election of Jas. L. Loop as Mayor. 
Thence I started for Chicago to fill my 
engagements there; was taken with a 
congestive chill in the cars, and was al- 
most death sick all day. Again stopped 
at the Tremont, was carried almost by 
force from my sick bed to Market Hall, 
[was it'?] where I was requested to 
''show" myself, but at which, in addition, 
with a raging fever, I spoke over an 
hour on Kansas matters, and of the 
causes of a movement for a direct line of 
steamers to that Territory. What I said, 
or how I said it, I never had any recol- 
lection, for I was sufl'ering too much 
physically to hardly know anything. The 
next day I took passage for the Lake 
View Water Cure, where I remained five 
days. When sufficiently recovered to 
journey, I returned to Chicago, and was 
about starting for Cincinnati, when my 
eye fell upon a telegram in the Demo- 
cratie Press, bringing intelligence of the 
shooting at Lawrence of "S. J. Jones, 
Sherift* of Douglas county." I changed my 
direction, went to Alton; thence to St. 
Louis; chartered a st amer at my own 
risk; and returned with it to Alton, 
where I received a party of about, one 
hundred Michigan pioneers, on their way 
to Kansas, under the direction of Rev. A. 
St. Clair; tiience up the river; at Lexing- 
ton learned of the arrest, by a mob, of 
Gov. Robinson at that place the day pre- 
vious; on to Kansas City; liesir-ged a 



REMINISCENCES OF OLD JOHN BROWN. 



11 



couple of days by a mob which surround- 
ed tlie hotel, lint did n"t enter; thence 
started at night with Gains Jenkins for 
Lawrence; both captured in goiu^- lialf a 
mile; taken to tlie Harris House, at 
Westport, Mo., prisoners; an ex parte 
trial tor our lives by the ruffians, who 
finally sent us to the Territory under 
Henry Clay Pate, I arriving at Lecompton 
on the -0th of May, the day before the 
destruction of Lawrence by the semi- 
legal mob. This much, hurriedly, lor 
myself, to make what shall follow better 
understood. 

HISTORY OP A REVOLVER. 

Mr. Redpath was instructed, on his ar- 
rival in Lawrence, to leave the revolver 
mentioned above, which was an Allen 
patent, known as a "pepper box," on the 
border, with Mi&s Annis W. Gleason, 
the clerk in the Herald of Freedom office. 
He did so. 

About this time a new attempt was set 
on foot to arrest S. N. Wood, for the res- 
cue of Branson, in the autumn previous. 
The " grass had begun to grow," and the 
threats I heard when descending the Mis- 
souri were about to be executed. 

" Sheriff Jones," with a posse of United 
States troops, entered Lawrence, and 
camped on the night of the 23d of April 
in canvas tents, a little North-east of the 
H^'ald of Freedom building, on some 
open lots. 

Early in the evening Charley Lenhart 
called on Miss Gleason, and asked for 
the loan of a revolver. The one returned 
by Redpath, mentioned above, was passed 
to him, with no idea, on her part, of the 
uses he desired to put it to. He exam- 
ined the weapon, saw it was fully loaded; 
went in the direction of Jones' camp; 
was gone but a few minutes, when Miss 
G. heard the discharge of a revolver, and 
soon Charley came running back to the 
office. He passed her the wicked instru- 
ment, one barrel of which was dis- 
charged. She put it away, and learned 



almost immediately thereafter of the 
shooting of •' Sheriff Jones," the first 
blood actually drawn by Free Soil men in 
Kansas, and which transaction was deeply 
regretted by every sincere friend of the 
Free State cause. A public meeting of the 
citizens was held the next morning de- 
nouncing the event, and a reward of 
$500 was offered by Gov. Robinson, for 
the arrest and conviction of the offender 
in the United States District Court- 
Charley was strongly suspected of know- 
ing something of the matter; but this is 
probably the first published account of 
it. He has long been beyond the reach 
of those who would punish him, and now 
I only give it publicity, that the praise 
or censure may fall where it rightfully 
belongs. 

Jones recovered from his injury, and 
on the 21st of the following month, 
made the people ol Lawrence realize, as 
I experienced to my own sorrow, with 
many others, the truth of the following 
quotation from Byron's Mazeppa: 
There never yet was human power, 
Which conld evade, if unfcrgiven, 
The patient search and vigil long 
Of him who treasures up a wrong ! 
Three other exciting incidents were 

connected with that revolver, either of 
which would form a valuable chapter in a 
"blood and thunder novel." The follow- 
ing, being historic, will conclude its 
story ; anticipating somewhat the order 
of events : — 

Dr. John Doy was captured m Mis- 
souri, charged with aiding in the escape 
of slaves. He was taken to St. Joseph, 
Mo., and imprisoned in the county jail, 
awaiting trial. During that period, the 
writer, was called upon for the loan of a 
revolver. It was passed to the party. A 
few days later news came of the break- 
ing of the jail at St. Jo., on the night of 
the 23d of July, 18-59; the rescue of Doc 
tor D. ; and, soon after, was inform2d of 
the transactions l)y one of the actors, of 
which 1 had no previous iutim ition, and 



12 



REMINISCENCES OF OLD JOHN HROWN. 



of the loss overboard, while crossing the 
river in the darkness of night, of the 
identical weapon fired by Lenhart, at 
"Sheriflf Jones." Had Jones died, and 
tlic ancient English law of deodand been 
still in force, that revolver could not 
now be taken for "pious uses." It re- 
poses beneath the turbid waves of the 
Missouri. 

SACKING OF LAWRENCE— ARREST OP FREE 
STATE PRISONERS. 

On the 21st of May, 1856, Lawrence 
was sacked, as before stated, by a pro- 
slavery mob, called together by United 
States Marshal Donaldson. His posse, 
as he called them, were then disbanded, 
and passed over to Sheriff Jones, who 
had mostly recovered from the effects of 
Charley Lenhart's bullet. The Free 
State Hotel was demolished. It was a 
fine stone structure, fully completed and 
furnished, and was opened on that very 
day,under the auspices of S. W. Eldridge, 
to the public. The residence, of Gov. 
Robinson was burned, with his furniture 
and fine library. The Herald of Freedom 
office was destroyed, its types were 
thrown into tlie river,its two hand presses, 
and a small cylinder fast running Taylor 
Power Press, were broken, and a large 
library and heavy stock of paper were 
cut to pieces or carried away. The Free 
State office and entire contents met a 
similar fate. The town was overrun and 
pillaged by the lawless invaders. They 
were not resisted, because the Marshal 
had come under the pretext of executing 
legal process from a United States Court. 
It was well known tliat this was a plan 
of the pro-slavery leaders, hoj)ing to 
bring on a coUission between the Free 
State people and the federal government. 
They had already, before a packed Grand 
Jury, made up of South Carolinians, 
JMissourians and southerners, all but a 
few days in the Territory, procured in- 
dictments for high treanon against A. II. 



Reeoer, Clias. Robinson. G. W. Brown, 
G. W. Smitii, G. W. Deitzler, and Sam- 
uel C. Pomeroy. The latter's name, was 
erased, and the name of Gains Jenkins wa3 
interlined. This was done long after 
the Grand Jury adjourned. 

Gov. Robinson had been captured by a 
mob at Lexington, Mo., nine days before, 
while with his wife going down the Mis- 
souri ; G. W. Brown was captured on the 
14th of May, by residents of Missouri, 
without legal process, in Kansas City, 
while making his way to Lawrence. He 
reached Lecompton on the 20th, Mr. Jen- 
kins being with him when arrested, but 
was discharged on the evening of the 
19th, and re-arrested on the 21st, with 
Judge Smith and Col. Deitzler, all of 
whom were placed under guard in the 
same room with myself, at Lecompton. 
Gov. Robinson was started for the Terri- 
tory, and reached Franklin, within four 
miles of Lawrence. His captors, fearing 
a rescue, took him back to Kansas City 
thence to Leavenworth, where he ar- 
riv^edon the 24th of May. 

Mention is made of these facts that the 
reader may keep connectedly in mind 
the general condition of affairs at the 
period referred to; without any intention 
of entering into details. 



HORRIBLE MURDERS ON THE POTTAW^OT- 
OMIE. 

l)n Sunday, late in the afternoon of the 
25th of May, '56, information was given 
to the treason prisoners, at Lecompton, 
of which the writer had the honor of be- 
ing one, that a terrible massacre of pro- 
slavery men had been perpetrated on 
Pottawotomie creek; that the news had 
reached the Kickapoo Rangers, Atchison 
Tigers, and such other pro-slayery organ- 
izations as were still about Locompton, 
nlur their successful raid of the 2lst on 
Liiwrcnce. The excitement was report- 
ed V, ry high among them. 



REMINISCENCES OF OLD JOHN BROWN. 



13 



On the evening of tbo S'itli Marshal 
Donaldson entered the building in per- 
son, and said that a party were organiz- 
ing among the Rangers, Tigers, 
&c., to take the prisoners and hang them 
in retaliation for theee murders. He said 
he had learned that we were all Odd 
Fellows or Masons; that he had so re- 
ported; and besides enlisting all the 
Territorial officers, including the Govern- 
or, Judges, &c., and such members of the 
Orders as he could find in Lecompton, he 
had found some in the several compan- 
ies, and with these he hoped to be 
able to save us; that they should stand 
guard through the night, and if an attack 
was made he should place arms in our 
hands, that we might aid in our own 
defense. 

The guard was kept up for the night. 
The next day the Marshal's "posse" 
were again discharged, and left Lecomp- 
ton; but Donaldson himself remained 
with us in the room for the night, for our 
protection against contingencies, as he 
asserted. 

DETAILS OF THE MASSACRE. 

My pen is not capable of describing 
the horrors of that event. Death by the 
hand of violence is always terrible ; com- 
mitted at the hour of midnight, adds ad- 
ditional terrors to it; but when the bodies 
are fiendishly mutilated, with awful impre- 
cations on the authors of such transac- 
tions, we recall to memory the most san- 
guinary deeds of American savages. The 
murderer, stimulated to crime by passion, 
or led on by hopes of gain, may, under 
some circumstances, arrest our sympa- 
thy; but he who mutilates the dead 
body of his victim, whether a Col. Chiv- 
ington, or his command, revelling in the 
blood of his victim: a Modoc chieftan, 
taking vengeance on an enemy,or the In- 
quisition, with rack and torture, tearing 
limb from limb from the writhing and 
dying heretic, must only excite our ab- 
horrence. 



We charge no one with these outrages 
upon humanity. Our province is to slate 
the facts, and leave the reader, or tbo 
historian, to make his own deductions. 

That five persons were killed, in the 
neighborhood of the Pottowatomic, 
some time towards the last ot May, 1856, 
is not susceptible of a doubt. The 
sworn evidence of several witnesses fixes 
the time as the morning of the 25th of 
May, but other facts fix the time as late 
on the night of the 23d, and the 
morning of the 24th, and I am inclined 
to adopt the latter dates. No person 
has ever denied the murders, and the ex- 
act date is not necessary. These men 
were taken from their homes during the 
darkness of night, one from the bed of 
a sick wife, unable to help herself, and 
was found the next morning "about one 
hundred and fifty yards from the house, 
in some dead brush," * * with "a 
gash in his head and side, * * and 
his throat cut twice." Another was 
found in a creek near his residence. His 
"skull was split open in two places, and 
some of his brains were washed out by 
the water. A large hole was cut in his 
breast, and his left hand was cut off, ex- 
cept a little piece of skin on one side." 

A father and two sons, 

additional to the above, were 
massacred, and found " about one 
hundred and fifty yards from the house, 
in the grass, near a ravine." The "father 
was shot in the forehead and stabbed in 
the breast." One of the son's "head was 
cut open, and a hole was made in his jaw, 
as though it was made by a knife, and a 
hole also in his side." Another son was 
found with his "fingers cut off, and his 
arms were cut off; his head was cut open; 
there was a hole in his breast." 

The above passages, in quotation, are 
copied verbatim from affidavits made by 
witnesses who saw the terrible sight; 
who swore to the statements before legal 



14 



REMINISCENCES OF OLD JOHN BROWN. 



authority; it was publislied soon niter; 
"was accos3il)le to everybody ; and yet, so 
far as we know, there has never been a 
denial of the killing, or of the mutilation 
by auy party who was trying to tell the 
truth. 

\Vm. A. Phillips, a sensational corres- 
pondent of the New York Tribune, who 
published in 1856, a volume of 414 
pages, entitled "The Conquest of Kan- 
sas," page 316, writing of this tragedy, 
says: "It was one of those stern and 
remorseless acts in civil war which make 
the delicate and sensitive shrink " This 
work was published as a campaign docu- 
ment, in the presidential election of 
that year, in the interest of his party. 
"While he did not deny the murders 
he does say: "The frightful stories 
about mutilation were unfounded, as ap- 
plied to this affair. A Mr. Sherman, 

WHO WAS KILLED AT THAT TIME, 

was killed by the Camanches, he hav- 
ing gone out to the plains to hunt Buf- 
falo. The Indians not only killed him, 
but mutilated his body; and his friends 
when they found his body, brought it 
home to Pottowatomie. The pro-slavery 
men in the neighborhood took advantage 
of this circumstance to confound this af- 
fair with the other, and charge it upon 
the abolitionists ! and it afforded a fine 
theme for war extras along the Missouri 
frontier. Free State men, too, believing 
the worst pro-slavery version of it, held 
meetings and denounced it^ 

I cannot believe that Mr. Phillips 
ever wrote that part of the above which 
charges the oft'ense upon the Camauclies. 
It is an interpolation, and a libel upon 
these savages, put in by the publishei s, 
to avoid responsibility by Free State men 
for such a terrible affair. This is evi- 
denced by the awkwardness of the lan- 
guage, which is unlike Mr. Phillips' 
round, easy style; besides, the killing is 
described as occurring at the time these 



other men were slaughtered. And yet 
we must hold Mr. Phillips responsible 
for the statement, as he has ue er denied 
its paternity, and it is in a book claimed 
to be written by him. 

Such "savage bari^arity and demoniac 
cruelty," as a prominent politician sa d 
ot the event, practiced not only on 
Wm. Sherman, but on Allen Wilkenson, 
Jas. P. Doyle, Drury Doyle and Wm. 
Doyle, are certainly characteristic of 
North American savages; and I honor 
the author for his attempt, feeble »s it 
was, to throw the responsibility foi one 
of these cases of mutilation on one of the 
most violent tribes of the plains ; but I have 
quoted in confirmation of the mutilation 
of these men, from affidavits made i)efore 
a member of the Kansas Investigating 
Committee, appointed by resolution of 
Congress to inquire into all our Kansas 
troubles. These affidavits will be found, 
spread at length on pages 1,193, 94, 95, 
96, 97, 98 and 99, of their official report 
made to Congress, 20,000 extra copies of 
which were printed and scattered over 
the country. The huge volume* of over 
1,200 pages is open before me as I write, 
and from which I shall have occasion 
again to make extracts, in endeavoring 
to find who these munierers and muti- 
lating Camanches were I Would to 
heaven the truth of history would per- 
mit me to throw the veil of darkness 
over this awful tragedy, and allow the 
world to believe that not only Wm. 
Sherman, but his associates in death and 
mutilation on that fearful night died by 
the hands of Camanches! But we must 
seek elsewhere for the real murderers. 

INCIDENTS OF HISTORY. "' 

To learii the truth in regard to this 
tragedy, let us hurriedly state a few facts 
that followed the sacking of Lawrence, 
on the 21st of May, three or four days 
before the massacre. News had gone 
out from Lawrence, into all the Free 



REMINISCENCES OF OLD JOHN BROWN. 



15 



Sr;;te settlements, of the assembling of 
lai'^-e bodies of pro- slavery men around 
that ill-fated town. The wliole South 
seemed pouring her swarms of idle aud 
dissolute population into Kansas. Col. 
Buford was there with his South Caro- 
linian followers; Col. Titus was there 
■with his Florida cohorts; Col. Bell was 
there with his "fillibusters" indiscrimi- 
nately raised in the South; the two 
Stringfellows were there with their Mis- 
souri rabble; and all were working in 
harmony under the lead of that master 
demagogue, Dave Atchison, who fur- 
nished brains for the whole. 

The Free State men had witnessed the 
invasion of Kansas, on the 29th of No- 
vember, 1854, at the first election for a 
delegate to Congress, when they poured 
over from Missouri, took possession of 
the polls, and cast their votes for Gen. 
Whitfield, excluding the Free State set- 
tlers almost wholly from participation in 
the election. 

They saw this again on the 30th of 
March, 1855, at the election of members 
of the Legislative Assembly, when the 
invaders came by thousands, overran every 
election precinct but one in the Terri- 
tory, excluded the legally appointed 
judges of election, placed their servile 
tools in their places, driving away the 
legal voters, and elected some of their 
ov?n numbers to make laws for the resi- 
dents. 

The people saw these invaders again, 
in session at Pawnee; thence adjourned 
to the Shawnee Mission, a locality posi- 
tively " excepted out of, and made no 
part of the Territory of Kansas," by 
provision of the organic act, which ex- 
cluded Indian Territory and reservations 
from operation of the law; they saw 
them enacting a code in keeping with 
their character as invaders of a neighbor- 
ing territory over which they had no po- 
litical riffhts whatever. 



In the autumn of 1855 they beheld an 
army of 2,000, thoroughly organized, 
officered, armed and provisioned, march- 
ing on Lawrence, breathing words of 
slaughter and demolition. The people 
had then rallied from all quarters, and 
stood with the residents, determined to 
sell their lives as dearly as possible in 
defense of that town. 

And, now. they saw it again menaced 
by thousands, gathered from every South- 
ern State, hurling imprecations against 
the Free State settlers, threatening to 
"wipe out every Northern pioneer," and 
divide his possessions among themselves. 
For days they saw Lawrence completely 
surrounded by this invading army, while 
several of their compeers, C. Robinson, 
G. W. Brown, J, P. Root, and others, 
were prisoners in their hands, and their 
lives were threatened. 

John Brown, Jr., on the Pottawotomie, 
rallied his neighbors and acquaintances, 
and joined them with others from Osa- 
watomie, and marched to the rescue of 
their friends. He had a force variously 
stated, ranging in number from 60 
to 120. On Thursday, the 22d of 
May, they reached Palmyra, within twelve 
miles of Lawrence. They there learned 
of the sacking of the town; the destruc- 
tion of the hotel, and printing ofiices, the 
burning of Dr. Robinson's residence; the 
general pillage; and the arrest of G. W. 
Smith, G. W. Deitzler, and Gaius Jen- 
kins ; of their removal to Lecompton, held 
under an indictment for TiigTi treason ! 

After reconnoitering in the vicinity for 
a tikie, they retraced their steps for a 
short distance, and camped for the night. 
On the 23d they resumed their homeward 
journey, and reached the vicinity of Pot- 
tawotomie, where they again encamped. 

With incidents narrated to me by an 
eye witness, still living, and a resident of 
Lawrence, Kansas, whose veracity was 



16 



REMINISCENCES OF OLD JOHN BROWN. 



never called in question, and whose un- 
supported statements would outweigh, in 
any court of justicj acquainted with his 
character, the sworn statement of a hun- 
dred letter -writers, and a quotation from 
Redpath, I close this subdivision. My 
informant said : 

"During the evening Old John Brown, 
who had accompanied the expedition to 
Palmyra, and returned with it to the 
neighborliood of the Pottawotomie, asked 
the attention of the men, and said he had 
an expedition in view, which required 
the assistance of some brave, bold men ; 
that John, Jr., protested against any per- 
sons leaving the camj) that night; that 
notwithstanding this Old John Brown 
and seven others left camp, armed to the 
teeth, and marched towards the settle- 
ments on the Pottawotomie; that they 
returned early the nest morning; that 
when our informant left his tent in the 
morning he saw a navy sword, worn 
away by one of Old John Brown's recruits 
the night before, standing near the door 
of a tent, with dried blood and red hair 
upon it; that it was laughingly remarked 
that the party "must have killed a dog 
the night before;" that soon after the 
camp was rallied, when a messenger 
came in and reported the killing and 
mutulation of live men on the Pottowat- 
omie during the night previous; that 
John, Jr., was greatly excited, dislmnded 
his men and rode hurredly towards Ossa- 
watomie." 

In Redpath's Life of John Brown, 
page 117, I find this statement confirmed 
in these words : 

"On the 23d of May, John Brown left 
the camp of his son, at Osawatomie, with 
Beven or eight men, and from that mo- 
ment began his guerilla warfare in 
Southern Kansas." 

WHO WAB RESPONSIBLE POK THIS MASSA- 
CRE? 

Not until after Old John Brown's ar- 
rest for murder and inciting slaves to in- 
surrection, at Harper's Ferry, on the 20th 
of October, 1859, two years and five 
months after the massacre, did I hear 
but one expression in Kansas, as to tlie 
party responsible for that transaction. 



Pro-slavery men, as well as Free State 
men, accredited the -iflfair to him. And 
on the very day, if I remember correctly, 
of his execution, a body of his friends in 
public convention in Lawrence, while 
expressing sympathy for his fate, apolo- 
gized, by public resolution, for these 
murders. His most ardent admirers had 
not face to stand up before a Kansas au- 
dience, where the whole facts were so 
well known, and attempt a denial of his 
responsibility. It was left to his eastern 
apologists, first, to deny his connection 
with the affair; second, to justify the 
outrage on humanity, under pleas as 
false and specious as the crimes were ab- 
horrent. John Brown on several occa- 
sions, once while a prisoner at Charles- 
town, Va., said he did not do the killing, 
but that he approved of it. We do not 
assert that his own hand struck the blow, 
neither did John Calvin, with his own 
hands, set fire to the faggots which 
burned Michael Servetus for heresy, but 
the historian holds Calvin responsible. 
Brown's denial was always guarded in 
expression, and the reader, knowing the 
facts, saw there was something behind 
which was not fully told. In a speech 
made by him at Cleveland, Ohio, on the 
22d of March, 1859, reported by Kagi, 
his Secretary of War, killed at Harper's 
Ferry, and published in Redpath's Life 
ot Brown, page 239, is probably found 
the key to this "mental reservation.' 
He said, according to the report: 

"He had never killed anybody; al- 
though on some occasions, he had shown 
the young men with him how some 
things might be done as well as others; 
and they had done the business.'''' 

What "business" had the young men 
done? Why, the killing, which he had 
instructed them how to do. 

On page 112 of Redpath's Life, after 

detailing the author's adventures 

' "a few days after the sacking of 



REMINISCENCES OF OLD JOHN BROWN. 



IT 



Lawrence," in his " first journey South," 
page 106, lie mentions that " a Southern 
squatter from Pottawotoraie had arrived 
at Lecompton with dispatches for the 
Governor, which announced that five pro- 
Blavery settlers had been murdered, at 
midnight, and their bodies shockingly 
disfigured and mutilated, by a party of 
Free State men. He brought a request 
for a body of troops to protect the pro- 
Blavery people there," &c. He then states 
that the troops passed through Lawrence 
en roiUe for Osawotomie, as it was under- 
stood, to arrest John Brown, Jr., and the 
force he commanded. He left Lawrence 
to inform the Browns of their danger; 
recites his adventures, and on page 112, 
as he neared the camp of those he sought, 
he was interruptexi by Frederick Brown, 
with the command, "Halt!" His recog- 
nition, and the young man's movements 
on the occasion, are thus narrated: 

'* He talkea wildly, as he walked be- 
fore me, turning round every minute, as 
he spoke of the recent affair at Pottawot- 
omie. His family, he said, had been ac- 
cused of it; he denied it indignantly, 
with the wild air of a maniac. His ex- 
citement was so great that he repeatedly 
recrossed the creek, until, getting anxious 
to reach the camp, I refused to listen to 
him until he took me to his father. He 
then quietly filled his pail with water, 
and, after many strange turnings, led me 
into camp." 

Redpath then relates the incidents on 
reaching camp, and, on page 113, con- 
tinues : 

"Old Brown himself stood near the fire. 
The old man received me with great cor- 
diality, and the little band gathered 
about me. But it was for a moment only, 
for the Captain ordered them to renew 
their work. He respectfully hut firmly 
forbade conversation on the Pottawotomie 
ajj'air; and said that if I desired any in- 
fonnation from the company in relation 
to their conduct or intentions, he, as their 
Captain,would answer for them, whatever 
was proper to communicate." 
Iliis was but two to three days after 



the massacre, while the letter-writers 
were gathering material for the Eastern 
press, Redpath being one of them, and 
fully in sympathy,as we shall see further 
on, with a movement to bring on a 
"revolution." , 

FURTHER, WHO WAS RESPONSnT^? 

The reader may weary with these de- 
tails of facts, cumulative in their char- 
acter, connecting Capt. Brown with this 
massacre on the Pottawotomie; but it 
will be remembered that twenty years 
ago he was, through the public press, 
charged with it. His friends, outside of 
Kansas, denied his guilt, and he equivo- 
cated when interrogated in regard to it, 
by saying, "/ nefoer slied the blood of afd- 
low man, except in self-defence, or in pro- 
motion of a righteous cause'"' See Red- 
path's Life, page 383. >u^ 

F. B. Sanborn, of Concord, N. EL, 
who is the author of the "Memoirs of 
John Brown," in a letter, written Nov. 
26, 1878, and published in the Spring- 
field Republican, used this language in 
regard to that event: 

"That Brown was connected with this 
affair, and approved of it I have never 
doubted— that he was actually present, 
he always denied to me — and I shall be- 
liev him until some eye witness proves 
to the contrary. -One eye witness has 
told two contradictory stories about it: 
and nobody has yet m.ade public the whole 
truth,'' 

Though the writer was not an "eye-wit- 
ness," yet he believes he is in possession 
of the whole "truth," and it is with an 
earnest desire to reach that point that he 
continues these inquiries. The "eye-wit- 
nesses"were accomplices in the transaction, 
and it is safe to expect from them "con- 
tradictory stories." Before the evidence 
is finally closed, his friends will with- 
draw their attempt to prove an alibi, and 
rely upon justifying, else set up the 
j>\ea o( insanity, which Brown rejected 
with so much scorn at Harper's Ferry. 
We continue: 



18 



REMINISCENCES OP OLD JOHN BROWN. 



Mrs. Robinson, in her "Kansas, Its In- 
terior and Exterior," written in "Camp 
near Lecompton," where her husband and 
the other Free State prisoners were held 
for high treason, guarded by a regiment 
of United States troops, as she could not, 
even as a partisan of the times, vindicate 
the transaction, ^^ery properly passed it 
over, merely telling her readers of the 
inflammatory statements which were 
spread along the Missouri border in con- 
sequence: and then she describes some- 
what in the order of their occurrence the 
events following, and growing directly 
out of these murders. 

Phillips, in his "Conquest of Kansas," 
seems horrified on account of these mur- 
ders, and says: 

"A party of seven or eight guerillas, 

NOT YOUNG MEN, BUT STERN DETERMINED 

MEN, attacked them, and in the scuffle 
every pro-slavery man was killed." 

Redpath, page 99, aids us somewhat 
in finding out who these "guerillas, not 
young men, but stern determined men," 
were, in the following words: 

"John Brown, Jr., marched back to 
Osawatomie [from Palmyra,] but ere he 
reached it and disbanded his father^ with 
a company of seven men, left his camp, 
and began in right earnest the war of 
liberty." 

Mr. Phillips well knew that these men 
were not killed in a body; that they 
were taken from their homes during the 
darkness of night, and one by one 
were murdered and mutilated, and Red- 
path calls it the beginning of " The War 
of Liberty." A few lines further down 
the page Phillips says : " It was one of 
those cases at which enlightened human- 
ity will shudder." He denies the muti- 
lation, and then invents the tale of Sher- 
man being killed and mutilated by Ca- 
manchesl 

i Redpath, who always justified and en- 
couraged tne shedding of blood; who, 
n his " Roving Editor," says he "went to 



Kansas to incite a revolution," and whose 
every action, by pen and otherwise, was 
in that direction, falsely ascribes the 
provocation to a state of facts tlvat did 
not exist, then justified the killing, but 
denies the participation of old John 
Brown in it, though he informs us that 
the Captain " approved of it."' 

John Doyle, a son of the murdered 
man, and brother of Drury and William 
Doyle, who gave testimony to the Con- 
gressional Investigating Committee, pre- 
viously referred to, in an affidavit dated 
June 6th, 1856, only a few days alter the 
murder, says: 

"An old man commanded the party; 
he was dark complected, and his face 
was thin. We had lighted a candle, and 
about eight of them entered the house\ 
there were some more outside." 

James Harris, also an Investigating 
Committee witness, says he was living in 
Sherman's house, in bed with his own 
wife and child, when 

" We were aroused by a company of 
men who said they belonged to the 
Northern army, and who were each 
armed with a sabre and two revolvers; 
two of them I recognized, namely : a 
Mr. Brown, whose given name I do not 
remember, commonly known by the 
appellation of ' Old Man Brown,' and his 
son Owen. * * Old Mr. Brown 
and his son went into the house with 
me. * * Brown asked Mr, 

Sherman to go out with him, and 
Mr. Sherman then went out with 
old Mr. Brown, and another came into 
the house in Brown's place. I heard no - 
thing more for about 15 minutes. Two 
of the Northern Array, as they styled 
themselves, stayed in with us until we 
heard a cap burst, and then these two 
men left. Tliat morning about ten 
o'clock I found Wm. Sherman dead in 
the creek near my house." 

The above is followed with a descrip- 
tion by the witness of the mutilation, 
copied further back. Phillips says he 
was killed and mutilated by Camanchesl 
How much short does this evidence fall 
of the "eye-witness" desired by Sanborn, 



REMINISCENCES OF OLD JOHN BROWN. 



19 



and what other proof is required to asso- 
ciate the "father of Oweu Brown" with 
tlie Camanches? 

Mrs. Wilkinson, in her affidavit to 
the Investigating Committee, made on 
the 13th of June, 1856, less than three 
weeks after the murder, said : — 

"I believe that one of Capt. Brown's 
sons was in the party who murdered my 
husband; I heard a voice like his. I do 
not know Capt. Brown hiniselt. * * 
The old man who seemed to be the com- 
mander wore soiled clothes, and a straw 
hat pulled down over his face. He spoke 
quick; is a tall, narrow-faced, elderly 
man." 

Morrow B. Lowry, ol Erie, Pa., a per- 
sonal friend of the writer, visited John 
Brown while in prison at Charlestown, 
and, referring to this aflair, "ventured the 
remark that his reputation demanded an 
explanation." Brown replied: "Time and 
the honest verdict of posterity will ap- 
prove of every act of mine to prevent 
slavery from being established in Kansas. 
I never shed the blood of a fellow-man, 
except in self-defense or in promotion of 
a righteous cause." 

Here is no denial of the killing; no 
claim by the man himself of an alibi; 
but a firm reliance on 'posterity" for jus- 
tification. 

NEWLY DISCCVCERED EVIDENCE. 

I might close the testimony at this 
point, and submit the case, as to the con- 
nection of Capt. Brown with this Potta- 
wotomie afi'air, to the impartial verdict 
of the reader; but I have before me the 
letter referred to above, written to the 
Springfield Republican touching this sub- 
ject. I will give it in Mr. Sanborn's 
own words, punctuation and parenthesis. 
It will be seen it corroborates to the let- 
ter and date, every assertion we have 
previously made on this subject,and, what 
is strange, ontlie liypothesis that Brown 
was not immediately connected with 
it, while he mentions that he is charged 



with guilt, he only retorts by criminating 
his friends at Osawotomie and Lawrence, 
designating their refusal to fight the 
United States troops as "cowardly" and 
"mean." I quote from Sanborn's letter; 
the italics are mine : 

"I have before me a letter of John 
Brown's, never yet printed. * '^ He 
says : "We were called to the relief of 
Lawrence, May 33, and every man, (eight 
in all) except Orson turned out; he stay- 
ing with the women and children, and to 
take care of the cattle. John (Jr.) was 
captain of a company to which Jackson 
belonged. The other six were a little 
company by ourselves. On our way to 
Lawrence we learned that it had been 
already destroyed, and we encamped with 
John's company over night. (This must 
have been the night of May 23,Thursday.) 
Next day our little company left, and 
during the day we stopped and searched 
three men. On the second day and eve- 
ning after we left John's men ; ("this was 
Saturday, May 24, and on that evening 
the Pottawotomie ruffians were shot,"j 
'■we encountered quite a number of pro slave- 
ry men and took quite a number prison- 
ers. Our prisoners we let go, but we 
kept some four or five horses. We were 
immediately after this accused of murder- 
ing Jive men at Pvttdwotomie^ and great 
efforts have since been made by the Missou- 
rian's and others, ruffian allies, to capture 
us. John's company soon afterwards dis- 
banded, and also the Osawotomie men. 
John tried to hide for several days, bat 
from the feelings of the ungrateful con- 
duct of those who had ought to have 
stood by him, excessive fatigue, anxiety 
and loss of sleep, became quite insane, 
and in that condition gave up, or, as we 
are told, was betrayed at Osawatomie in- 
to the hands ot the Bogus men. We do 
not know all th« truth aboutthis afi"air. 
The cowardly mean conduct of Osawo- 
tomie and vicinity did not save them, 
for the ruffians came on them, made 
numerous prisoners, fired their buildings 
and robbed them. It is said that both 
the Lawrence and Osawatomie men, 
when the ruffians came on them, either 
hid or gave up their arms, and that their 
leading men counseled, to take such a 
course? "This letter bears date, near 
Osawatomie," June 24, 1856." 



REMTNISCENCES OF OLD JOHN BROWN. 



So much for the letter and Sanliorn's 
interpolations in brackets. It wtis writ- 
ten Irom "near Osawatomie," which was 
about seven miles from the scene of this 
massacre, just one month to a day, after 
the murder. Under another head I shall 
have occasion to refer to this letter again 

THE CAMANCHES DISCOVERED. 

I find in the "First Biennial Report of 
the State Board of Agriculture for Kan- 
sas," Vol. 6, published in 1 878, under the 
head of Miami County, page 311, the fol- 
lowing very clear, but in some respects 
inaccurate, account of this transaction, 
from the pen of E. W. Robinson, Esq., 
long a resident of the county, located at 
Paola, but a few miles distant. His ve- 
racity no man will call in question. He 
says: 

" On the 24th of May, Winans, a Free 
State man, who kept a store on Mosquito 
Creek, brought the intelligence to the 
Free State camp, near Ottawa, commonly 
called 'Toywa Jones,' that the anti-sla- 
very settlers on the Pottawotomie had 
been ordered to leave. On the reception 
of this news a detachment, under com- 
mand of John Brown, Sr., at once set out, 
on the evening of the 24th, for the relief 
and protection of the settlers. 

"On arriving at the residence of Mr. 
Doyle, on Mosquito Creek, near the mouth 
of the Pottawotomie, the party stopped 
and called Doyle out, and when he ap- 
peared they fell on him with heavy cut- 
lasses and sabres, and hacked him to 
death. Doyle's two sons, coming to the 
rescue of their father, met with a similar 
fate. 

"From Doyle's the party proceeded to 
the house of Allen Wilkinson, wh was 
especially obnoxious, on account of his 
having been a member of the ' Bogup 
Legislature,' and, on making his appear- 
ance, the party murdered him. A Mr. 
Sherman, living on the Pottawotomie, 
was also murdered by the same party." 

This seems sufficiently definite. An 
active member of the Republican party, 
resident in the immediate vicinity of this 
massacre, and writing for home use, a 
historical sketch of his county, says John 
Brown, Sr., commanded the detachment. 



And he says they " hacked" the Doyle's 
to death, and '■'■murdered'''' Wilkinson, 
and " murdered'' Sherman ! And he tells 
us, in so many words, who 'Phillips' 
Camanches were! The writer has been 
careful to withhold a statement of even 
his opinion in the premises, content to 
collate such facts as are open to the 
world. 

TERRIBLE ARRAIGNMENT. 

The following, sent to John Brown, and 
read to him by the Sheriff, in prison, 
while the Captain was under sentence of 
death, is a terrible finale of that horrible 
massacre. Whether the "Liberator," as 
his friends called him, was guilty, or 
or otherwise, it tells in sad, sorrowful, 
and bitter words who the lonely wife and 
mother believed the murderer of her 
husband and sons : 
"Chattanooga, Tenn., Nov. 20, 1859. 

John Brown — Sir: — Althousch ven- 
geance is not mine, I confess that I do 
feel gratified to hear that you were 
stopped in your fiendish career at 
Harper's Ferry, with the loss of your 
two sons. You can now appreciate my 
distress in Kansas, when you then and 
there entered my house at midnight and 
arrested my husband and two boys, and 
took them out in the yard, and in cold 
blood shot them dead in my hearing. 
You can't say you did it to free our 
slaves; we had none, and never expected 
to own one ; but it only made me a poor 
disconsolate widow, with helpless child- 
rep. While I feel for your folly, I do 
hope and trust you will meet with 
your just reward. Oh, how it pained 
my heart to hear the dying groans 
of my husband and children. If 
this scrawl gives you any satisfaction, 
you are welcome to it. ;^ 

MAHAIiA DOYLK. 

"N. B.— My son, John Doyle, whose 
life I begged of you, is now grown up, 
and is very desirous to be at Charlestown, 
on the day of your execution ; would cer- 
tainly be there if his means would per- 
mit it, that he might adjust the rope 
around your neck, if Gov. Wise would 
permit." M. D. 

Three and a half years only had passed, 



KEMINISCENCES OF OLD JOHN BROWN. 



»1 



at the time of writing that terribly vin- 
dicative letter, since that fatal night on 
the Pottawotomie, when Mrs. Doyle's 
husband, and sons were slain. She had 
left Kansas, with the remaining members 
of her family, the youngest only five 
years old, and had struggled as only a 
mother will, to keep them near her. No 
one can know the anguish of heart; t.'ie 
poverty; the wretchedness; the suffering 
•which had been hers in consequence. 
Though the reader. I hope, similarly 
circumstanced, would not have written 
such a letter, yet, in her bereaved condi- 
tion, she was human, and it tells more 
forcibly than words of mine to whom she 
ascribed the cause of her woe. 

MOTIVE FOB THE KILLING. 

The motive for the killing of these men, 
on the Pottawotomie, as given by various 
authors, are so varied and numerous it 
will be difficult, if not impossible, to ar- 
rive at the truth, other than by implica- 
tion. 

1. R. J. Hinton, a very intimate friend 
of Capt. Brown, who designed to have 
been at Harper's Ferry, but could not get 
away, according to Cook, one of the ac- 
complices, in a letter of Dec. 3, '59, to 
the Boston Traveler^ said : 

" Doyle was engaged with others in a 
fiendish attempt to outrage the persons of 
Capt. Brown's daughter and daughter-in- 
law, the wife of one of Brown's sons." 
hence the murder. 

2. J. R. Brown, a brother of old John, 
writing to the Cleveland PlaindealeVf of 
date Xov 22, '59, says: 

" My brother John and his two sons 
were living in the same neighborhood, 
and a committee of five from the Bor- 
der Ruffian camp called upon him, and 
said that they were instructed to warn 
him that if the Free State men were 
found there the next Thursday night, 
they would kill every one of them." 

3. A statement went through the East- 
ern press excusing the killing, by saying 
that: 



"The old man was driven lo violence 
by the murder of his son, Fre lerick, and 
the arrest of Joiin, .Jr., who was chained 
and driven forty miles in a hot sun, etc." 

Both of these events followed, and was 
in consequence of these murders. John, 
Jr., when arres.ted, was suspicioned of 
being one of the banditti; and Frederick 
was killed on the morning of the 3()th of 
August, more than three months after the 
murders, hence we must seek elsewhere 
for the cause. 

4. Still another statement was made- 
that — 

"A band of pro-slavery men went to 
the house of John, Jr., insulted his wife, 
burned his cabin, and drove off his 
cattle." 

The cabins of the sons of old John 
Brown were burned by pro-slavery men, 
on the 27th or 28th of May, three to four 
days after the massacre, and because of it. 

5. ''John Brown's cabin was burned, his 
blooded stock were driven off, and the 
women of his family were grossly in- 
sulted." 

John Brown never had a cabin in Kan- 
sas, nor owned or exercised ownership 
over one foot of Kansas soil. His family, 
through all his western adventures, were 
residents of North Elba, Essex county, 
New York. In answer to Valandingham, 
while in Charlestown jail. Captain Brown 
said in so many words : "I did not go to 
Kansas to settle, but because of the dif- 
ficulties." 

6. "That Wilkinson, Sherman and the 
Doyles were caught in the act of hanging 
a Free State man, and were shot by 
friends of the injured party." 

7. Old John Brown told A. E. Coleman, 
Esq.,residing near Lawrence, Kan., that he, 

'Brown, ran a survey line through 
each of the cabins of the murdered men, 
and, on account of being a stranger,heard 
from their own lips a plan to drive out 
the entire Free State settlers; that it wag 
merely a question whether to submit to 
being driven out, or to drive out those 
i who were threatening their neighbors." 



22 



REMINISCENCES OF OLD JOHN BROWN. 



This statement was made loug after the 
event, when the transaction needed vindi- 
cation. 

8. Redpath's Life of John Brown, p. 
118 says: 

"On the niglit of the 25th of May, the 
Doyles, Wilkinson and Sherman were 
seized, tried and slain. This act was 
precipitated by a brutal assault commit- 
ted during the forenoon on a Free State 
man. at the store ot Sherman, in which 
the Doyles were the principal and most 
ruffiaul;- participators." 

'.). Captain Brown in answering a ques- 
ti<m from the Chairman of the Massa- 
chusetts Legislature, in Boston, on the 
l.'<th of February, 1857, said: 

"He saw a great deal of Buford's men 
in Kansas; that they spoke without hesi- 
tation before him, because he employed 
himself as a surveyor; and, as nearly all 
the surveyors were pro-slavery men, they 
probably thought he was 'sound on the 
goose.' They told him all their plans; 
what they intended to do; how they 
were determined to drive off the Free 
Slate men, and possess themselves of 
the Territory, and make it a slave State 
at all hazards, cost what it might. * * 
They did not hesitate to threaten that 
they would burn, kill, scalp, and drive 
out the entire Free State population of 
the Territory, if it was necessary to do so 
to accomplish their object." 

The above was, probably, the original 
of the survey story, and was varied from 
time to time, by different reporters, to ac- 
commodate varying circumstances. 

TOO GOOD TO MURDER. 

But it is said that Old John Brown's 
who'.e character was antagonistic to such 
outrages upon humanity, as were these 
on the Pottawotomie; that he was 
a religious man, of Puritanic faith and 
practice; a praying man, and that the vi- 
olent shedding of blood wae not in har- 
mony with his Christian life, his great 
love for the negro, and his desire for 
heir liberation from a life of toil and 
slavery. The reader will please remem- 
1.1 r his oft-(]Uoted expression, ''Without 



the shedding of blood there is no remis- 
sion." Some of the vilest char- 
acters whose names have come 
down to us, have falsified the pure 
teachings of the Master, by an almost in- 
discriminate massacre of those who en- 
tertained religious convictions in opposi- 
tion to them. Their faith did not save 
them from an exhibition of brutal 
sions. 

Will some reader who has implicit 
confidence in old John Brown's piety be- 
ing sufficient to shield him from sitch 
acts of violence, give interpretation to the 
following extract, which I make from 
page 191, Redpath's Life of Brown? It 
was while the Captain was in Boston, in 
the winter of 1857. Says the biogra- 
pher, — the italics are mine: 

" Mr. Stearns, an active and generous 
friend of Kansas, tells two incidents of 
John Brown's visit to Boston at this time, 
which are exceedingly characteristic of the 
old Puritan: 

" Shortly after his introduction to him, 
Mr. Stearns said, one day, half jestingly, 
'I suppose, Captain Brown, that if Judge 
Lecompte had fallen into your hands, he 
would have fared rather hard?' 

-'The old man turned round in his 
chair, and, in the most earnest tones, said, 
' If the Lord had delivered Judge Lecompte 
into my hands, it would have required the 
Lord to have taken him out again P'' 

EFFECT OF THE MASSACRE ON THE FREE 
STATE PARTY. 

Phillips' Conquest of Kansas, page 117, 
says: — 

"The effect of this act was highly ben- 
eficial to the Free State men. * * Ev- 
ery one in Kansas admitted the fact, al- 
though many of them deny it now." 

When did they "deny" that it was 
"beneficial?" Why, "wow," when his 
book was published, on the first of Aug- 
ust, 185(5, two months only after the mas- 
sacre. And why did "many of them 
deny it" so soon after the transaction- 
Possibly they had noticed "he conse- 
quences growing out of, and directly 



REMINISCENCES OF OLD JOHN BROWN. 



23 



traceable to tliat traged}^ Suppose, 
reader, we litt the veil of the past en- 
shrouding Kansas history, and, per- 
c :ance, ere we close, you, too, may be oae 
who denies that beneficial results foUow 
murder and mutilation ! We read some- 
where that, '-He who takes the sword 
shall perish by the sword." There are 
but few who have not observed that "vi- 
olence begets violence." 

Mrs. Robinson was on the Missouri 
at the time of this occurrence. She says 
page 273, of her "Kansas Interior aud Ex- 
terior." ( 

"The last day or two of the trip on the 
Missouri river, rumors of v.-ar became 
more frequent. Inflammatory extras 
were thrown upon the boats at different 
landings. * * The extras stated the 
murder of eight pro-slavery men by the 
abolitionists, and the cruel mutilation of 
their bodies." 

I have already stated how the news of 
these murders was received in Lecomp- 
ton, and the determination to retaliate 
by hanging the treason prisoners. 

Gov. Roljinson w^as taken by a mob at 
Lexington. Mo., while descending the 
Missouri in company wUh his wife. He 
was detained there for a few days; theuce 
taken by way of Westport, to Franklin, 
within four miles of Lawrence; theuce 
back to Kansas City, and up the Missou- 
ri, to Leavenworth, where he arrived on 
the eve of these murders on the Potta- 
watomie. The news of the massacre 
caused the most intense excitement. It 
was all that active pro-slavery men, who 
were warm personal friends of the Gov- 
ernor, some of whom were under 
lasting obligations to him for 
favors rendered in California, and 
oil his way thither, to save him from 
violent death. Indeed, the people were 
wrought up to Buch a furious phrenzy 
that death was expected at any moment. 
An eye-witness of the scene told me that 
the cooler and better class of the citizens, 



thinking they were powerless to save him, 
wept like children as one by one they 
took him by the hand and bade him fare- 
well. 

The Congressional Investigating Com- 
mittee were in session at Leavenworth. 
They could not proceed with business 
because of the excitement, hence re- 
moved to Kansas City, where they also 
found it impossible, with personal safety, 
to continue their investigations, and left 
for Washington, one of the members re- 
maining long enough to obtain affidavits 
detailing the incidents of this awful 
tragedy, portions of which I have copied. 
In his minority report to Congress, he 
said of these murders : — 'In savage bar- 
barity and demoniac cruelty they [haye] 
scarcely an equal in the history of civil- 
ized man !" The majority of the Com- 
mittee were compelled to stultify them- 
selves, and throw out important evidence 
they had already taken, in order to sup- 
press the loathing details of the butchery. 

A lady resident of Leavenworth, at tf e 
time the news of the tragedy reached 
that city, told me, on her way up the 
Missouri in the following spring, return- 
ing for the first time after the occurrence 
to Kansas, of its efl'ects on the Free State 
population there. She said a public 
meeting of pro-slavery men was immedi- 
ately called, when the account of the 
Pottawotomie massacre was narrated to 
the already-crazed pro-slavery mob. The 
most violent, denunciatory and threaten- 
ing speeches were made. Resolutions 
were passed of a fiery character, setting 
forth that the first blood had been shed 
by the Free tttate men; that the midnight 
assassins were not satisfied with simply 
murdering their victims, but that they 
had mutilated them in a shameful man- 
ner. They declared that it was imposii- 
ble for the abolitionists and the pro- 
slavery settlers to live together in Kansas 
and that the former must leave. She 



24 



REMINISCENCES OF OLD JOHN BROWN. 



said a body of anii'd men mairhrd 
throuyli tlie streets, visiting each dwell- 
ing, and ordered every Free State man, 
woman and child to go at once to tiie 
Levee. They would not allow her to 
even close her house; but with her child- 
ren she was marched to the river where 
she found hundreds of others. All weie 
forced upon a steamer lying at the levee, 
including her liusband who she found 
there. The Captain was ordered to take 
these involuntary passengers to A-lton 
and there leave them. She remained 
in that city until the spring of 1857, 
when she returned with her husband and 
again settled in the Territory. 

Mr. Phillips, in his " Conquest of Kan- 
sas."' (a very singular title for a book 
whose author was supposed to be in favor 
of flee institutions for that Territory,) 
speaking of this event, page 318, says: 
" Citizens of Leavenworth who were 
known to be Free State men, were uoti- 
tied that they must leave the Territory. 
* * On the morning of the 
28lh of May, [four days after the mur- 
ders, as the reader will observe,] the of- 
fice of the Leavenworth Herald issued a 
reprint of a violent 'war' extra of the 
Westport paper, the design of which was 
to excite the border men to acts of vio- 
lence against the Free State settlers of 
Kansas. In the forenoon of that day a 
pro-slavery meeting was held, at which 
Stringfellow and Gen. Richardson^ were 
prominent actors. At this meeting it 
was decreed that all persons who had 
taken an active part as Free State men 
must leave tlie Territory." 

Mr. Phillips seems to ascribe these out- 
rages, by the pro-slavery party at Leaven- 
worth, to the appearance of the Investi- 
gating Committee; but the facets are, they 
were because tlie news of the murders 
on the Poltawotomie only reached 
them at that moment, by way of W(!st- 
port and Kansas City, hence the reason of 
republishing the " war extra" from 
Westijort. 

Guv. Robinson was hurried away from 



Leavenworth, in the midst of this excite- 
ment, by the cooler headed pro-slavery 
nien, across the prairies to Lecompton, 
where he joined the other prisoners un- 
der indictment for high treason on the 
1st of June. It was owing to this event 
he was saved from violence. 

But these excesses were not limited to 
Leavenworth. Steamers coming up the 
Missouri, loaded with Eastern passen- 
gers, were sent back to St. Louis ; and all 
emigration by way of this great thor- 
oughfare was suspended until autumn, 
and the arrival of Gov. Geary in the Ter- 
ritory. A reign of terror paralyzed every 
industry, and mob violence reigned 
supreme. 

South of the river the times were no 
less exciting. The pro-slavery popula- 
tion on the Pottawotomie arose in mass, 
burned the cabins of Captain Brown's 
sons, (not his, for he never had any cabin 
in Kansas to burn,) drove off their stock, 
and it is probable their language to the 
daughter and daughter-in-law, who alone 
were in possession, was really insulting, 
for it is said to be true they represented 
the father and husband of these ladies, 
(very amiable people, by the way,) with 
having caused the murder A their 
friends, the Doyles, &c. 

Henry Clay Pate, with his "Westport 
Sharj^shooters,'' who were mounted, had 
escorted Gaius Jenkins and the writer 
from Westport to a point near Ticcorapton, 
where we arrived on the evening of the 
19th of May. He was present, taking 
part with his command, at the sacking of 
Lawrence, on the 21st. Thence he visited 
Lecompton, where he learned, on the 
evening of the 25th, of the murders on 
the pottawotomie. As every Missouriau 
imagined himself a United States jMar- 
shal— many had commissions as deputy, 
and among this number was Pate li i ni- 
sei 1— he resolved to arrest John Brown 



KEMINISCE^XES UF OLD JOHN l'.R()\VX. 



25 



and his party, then augmented to nine. 
Without following his steps in detail to 
Palmyra and Prairie City, and noting the 
outrages which Pate perpetrated at these 
places, and in their vicinity, enough to 
ever cover his name with infamy, they 
came in contact, on the 2d of June, 1856, 
with old John, at a place on the Sante Fe 
road known as Black Jack. Whether 
any portion of Brown's force was with 
him at the massacre, the writer has no 
means of knowing. A collision came 
on. Capt. Shore, who had been watch- 
ing Capt. Pate's movements after leaving 
Prairie City, with some 60 men, put in an 
appearance at a very opportune moment 
tor the safety of the "Liberator; a very 
animated skirmish followed; Pate and 
his command were captured. Here oc- 
curred the famous "battle of Black Jack," 
in which Brown is represented as an in- 
vincible hero; instead of being arrested for 
murder, with the aid of the very large 
force of Capt. Shore, aided by Capt. 
Mewhiuny, the pro-slavery marauders 
were captured. Pate was soon after re- 
released by United States troops, under 
Col. Sumner, and, with a severe repri- 
mand, was ordered home to Missouri. 

On the 6th of June, still in pursuit of 
the Pottawotomiemurderers,was ''fought" 
what is known in Kansas history, as the 
first battle of Osawotomie; but the tight 
consisted in a retreat of the pursued to 
the timber, — "skedaddling,'" we used to 
call it on the border, — while the pursuers 
ransacked and pillaged the town; and 
yet old John Brown is lauded by his bio- 
graphers as the hero of this occasion, as he 
was at Black J ack,though he sought safe- 
ty in the covert of the wood,as the others 
did. This statement I had confirmed 
while writing these pages, by a gen- 
tleman from Kansas, visiting friends 
in Rocktord, who was in the bush 
with tlie other Free State men, and who, 
ii- answer to my direct inquiry, said 



there was not a gun fired in defense on 
that day. And thus heroes are made, on 
small occasions. And thus great battles 
are fought — on paper. 

The so-called "second battle of Osawo- 
tomie" occurred on the 29th of August, 
1856. It was precipitated on the town 
by an attack, by residents and others, 
driving off a party of Buford's men, who 
were encamped near, and who, like their 
associates all over the Territory, were 
guilty of every variety of wickedness. 
These men deserved severe punishment 
wherever found, during their stay in 
Kansas. Their expulsion, however, 
aroused the war spirit again; again in- 
flammatory appeals were made to Mis- 
sourians; another invasion was , planned, 
and on the 29th of August, 1856, under 
the command of Gen. John W. Reed, of 
Independence, Mo., witli some four 
hundred followers, Osawotomie was at- 
tacked. The citizens under various com- 
mands, in companies of ten to fifteen 
from the thick undergrowth surrounding 
the town, fired upon the invaders, and 
they, thinking "prudence the better 
part of valor," made a speedy 
retreat. Probably this repulsed army, 
of 400, became the nucleus of the 2,700 
which marched on Lawrence on the 14th 
of September. The general understand- 
ing in Kansas was that Old John exhib- 
ited good fighting qualities at Osawoto- 
mie. He was engaged in a good cause, 
but whether he deserved more applause 
than Capt. Clin*, Dr. UpdegraflF, or any 
other brave man there, the writer has no 
knowledge. 

How many cases of violence, consist- 
ing of murders, arsons, robberies, rapes, 
»&c., were perpetrated during that sum- 
mer, which had their origin in excited 
passions, influenced by these transactions 
on the Pottawotomie, no human historian 
will ever know. It was the pro-slavery 
purpose to drive out the Free State set- 



26 



RKMINISCENCES OF OLD JOHN BROWN. 



tiers. They sought every pretext in tlieir 
reach to justify their aggressions. The 
great misfortune was that too many oi'" 
these were offered, and that the innocent 
had to suffer for the violence of his guilty 
neighbor. 

NOT LIMITED TO KANSAS. 

The effect of this massacre on the pros- 
perity of Kansas was not limited to that 
Territory. A national party, with pow- 
erful anti-slavery proclivities, had recent- 
ly sprung into being. It undertook the 
task of defending and sustaining the 
struggling Free State men, who had 
thrown themselves into the mighty 
chasm, made by the repeal of the Mis- 
souri Compromise ol 1820. These Free 
State men. had resolved that the princi- 
ples involved in that settlement of a vexed 
question, by their fathers, should still be 
maintained ; that the broad and beautiful 
prairies of Kansas should never be cursed 
by the tread of the slave. They had gone 
from the comforts of their Eastern homes; 
had sacrificed business long established; 
had broken loose from all social and re- 
ligious organizations, and abandoned 
parties to which they were dearly at- 
tached, and formed a new one, with the 
single motto of "Kansas a Free State.'' 
Now a new party was organized in the 
States, out of remnants of old ones, with 
the principle written in its platform, and 
emblazoned on its flag, and borne aloft 
by its standard bearer, " No more Slave 
States, No More Slave Territory; Free- 
dom to the Republic, Justice to Kan- 
sas !" 

But on the very eve of the first organi- 
zation of that party, while every pulsa- 
tion of the genuinely good was beating 
in full sym|)ati»y with ''bleeding Kans;is," 
an<l they were solemnlj' detenn'mcd to 
rigiit our wrongs, and correct ilu! iilxiscs 
of false legislation, tluiy wcmc in t with 
these excesses by tiie men tlu-y wouhl 
serve ! 



The horrible details of that midnight 
butchery on the Pottawotomie, were 
dwelt upon, and passed from mouth to 
mouth; the opposition press, both North 
and South, took up the da^nniugtale and 
passed it on. Whole columns of leaders 
trom week to week, with startling head- 
lines, liberally-distributed capitals, and 
frightful exclamation points, filled all the 
newspapers; while each public speaker, 
who wished to inflame the already excit- 
ed populace, in glowing rhetoric, would 
depict the ghastly spectacle of five men 
torn from their beds at midnight, and 
ruthlessly slaughtered by savage, fero- 
cious and unfeeling Free State men. 

The Republicans denied the allega- 
tions; they set up an aUbi\ they charged 
the butchery and mutilation on the 
Camanches; they said the killing was 
done in self-defense; they apologized for 
it in various ways; when forced to the 
wall they attempted justification; but, 
meet it as they would, there w^as the ap- 
palling outrage; the deep, dark and 
damning bloodspots which would not 
disappear at their bidding. 

When the autumn elections came on, 
so successful had the opposition been in 
ringing these charges on the country, 
the friends of Kansas were overborne by 
superior numbers, and another four years 
of misrule by the Democratic party, 
under its corrupt leaders, was inaugu- 
rated. The oppressed in Kansas saw 
another term of struggle and violence be- 
fore them. 

As an actor in those exciting times, 
watching the progress of the political 
canvass from my prairie prison, surround- 
ed continually by the gleam of the sabre, 
the musket and bayonet of Federal 
troops, with a large list of exchanges for 
the Herald cf Freedom, daily received in 
camp, and little to do but read them, I 
do soHuiiily aver and believe, twenty four 
years t!iereal"t;T, that had it not been for 



KEMIJNISUEJSCES OF OLD JOHN BROWN. 



21 



the massacre of the three Doyles, of 
Wilkinson and Sherman, by self- 
styled Free State men on the Pot- 
tawotomie, the Republican party 
would have been successful in that mem- 
orable campaign of 1856, and our period 
of enslavement would have been four 
years abridged. But perhaps we should 
take cheer from classic story, and 
"Weep not for the lost leaves of Cybele." 

As the horrors ot the Spanish Inquisi- 
tion; the bloody butcheries, martyrdoms, 
crimes and excesses of the middle ages, 
with the massacre of St. Bartholomew at 
a later period, paved the way, and added 
new impetus to the Reformation, which 
gave rise to subsequent liberal thought, 
with full toleration of all forms of relig- 
ious and non-religious faith, and a larger 
comprehension of man's iinal destiny; so 
the outcome of this awful tragedy traced 
by the pen of the casuist, shows the de- 
feat of Republicanism in 1856; the pro- 
longation of our Kansas ills; tho rebel- 
lion; a nation rolled in blood; the con- 
flagration of cities; the complete upheaval 
of society; crimes unparalleled in the 
world's history; general bankruptcy; and 
every heart filled with deepest woe. In 
bold and cheering contrast we have the 
disenthralment of a race; the greater 
freedom of tlie mnsses; education more 
widely dift'used; larger religious liberty, 
and a more glorious future than was ever 
before witnessed by as))iring humanity, 
or predicted by inspired prophet. 

As well, however, to give credit to 
Torquemada, the father of the Inquisi- 
tion, for our present religious freedom, as 
to old John Brown, and the massacre on 
the Pottawotomie, for the freedom of 
Kansas, or our present and prospective 
piosperity. 

.' THE SUMMER OF 1856. 

How Capt. Brown spent the summer of 
1856. other than avoiding an arrest, and 
witli his "twelve or fifteen new recruits," 



as he calls his army, defending Osawo- 
tomie, we have but little knowledge. He 
represents that in that "bloody battle" 
there were, of the invaders, "thirty-one or 
two killed, and from forty to fifty wound- 
ed." This assertion was as positively de- 
nied by the attacking party. It is cer- 
tain there were three killed on the Free 
State side, to wit: Fred Brown, Mr. Part- 
ridge and Mr. Williams. 

Sometime during the summer of 1856, 
a Santa Fe train was captured by Free 
State men. These trains consisted, usu- 
ally, of twenty to sixty very large 
wagons, carrying some two or more tons 
of freight, consisting of general merchan- 
dise, drawn by six mules. The wagona 
were covered with white canvas, and 
when moving over the prairies, stretched 
out over a long distance. The sight wa* 
truly imposing. Minus the speed they 
would remind the observer of the immense 
freight trains of the Atchison and Santa 
Fe Railroad moving in the same direc- 
tion to-day. 

These mule trains were fitted out iri 
Westport, Mo., and Kansas City, and 
through them was carried on the almost 
limitless commerce between the States 
and New Mexico. 

Who was concerned in the capture of 
this train mentioned I never knew, as I 
was a prisoner at the time, and our field 
of observation was not large. The Free 
State newspapers of the Territory were 
all suspended, and it is even questiona- 
ble if mention would have been made of 
it, for prudential reasons, had all been in 
successful operation; for we were ex- 
tremely careful, in those exciting times, 
not to expose the dereliction or excesses- 
of our own party friends. If I don't for- 
get it, and a good place occurs, I will 
tell "A Case in Point." at a considerable 
later date, in illustration. 

The raairnitude. however, of the c«])ture 



28 



REMINISCENCES OF OLD JOHN BROWN. 



of an entire Santa Fe train made a little 
riffle of excitement at the time, and the 
responsibility with the public seemed 
divided between Dr. Ephraim Cutter, E. 
B. Whitman and old John Brown. 
Whether any or all of these personages 
■were concerned in the capture, I do not 
kuow^; but I have an indefinite recollec- 
tion that there was a wordy quarrel, or 
misunderstanding at least, between the 
parties implicated, in regard to the divis- 
ion of plunder. My only reason for 
thinking John Brown was not concerned 
in it, is that I find no mention of it in 
*'Redpath's Life of the Captain," whereas 
had the "Liberator" been even the hum- 
blest private in the aftair, he would have 
been magnified into a leader; the details 
of the capture would have extended 
through several chapters, describing each 
incident of the battle, the various strat- 
egical movements employed to surround 
the "greasers," the deafening roar of mus- 
ketry, the clash of crossed sabres, the 
wild shrieks of the captors, the 
dying groans of the defeated teamsters, 
closing with a poem in Homeric verse, 
from that brilliant poet Raelf, preserving 
in song for future ages a glowing account 
of the gallant affair. He could not have 
done less than quoted the last stanza 
from ''Brown's Address to His Men;" 
page 156, of his ''Life of Brown:" 

We must conquer, we must slaughter, 

We are God's rod, and Hia Ire 
Wills their blood shall flow like water 

In Jehovah's dread name — Fire! 

This will give the reader an idea of 
"W'hat the brilliant historian could have 
<lone with a very trifling capital. As 
Redpath was not in the Territory at the 
time, and the Byronic poet did not arrive 
until, I think the 10th of October follow- 
ing, tliis may account for the loss of this 
glowing description ot the event. 
JOHN buown's biographeh. 

I have had fre<iuent occasion to refer 



to, or quote from "lvelp;\tirs Life of 
John Brown," and shall have still further 
use for him, as we advance with tlie.se 
"Reminiscences." The reader must of 
course desire to know the character of 
the author, and the stand- pointf from 
which he wi-ote. I take pleasure in furn- 
ishing this information, by stating that 
Redpath claimed great intimacy with 
Brown in Kansas; was an indorser of the 
invasion at Harper's Ferry; wrote largely 
in its interest; was selected by the Jo!in 
Brown family to write a "Life" of their 
head; into whose hands, the letters, writ- 
ings and sketches of the Captain were 
placed; and who agreed to divide the 
profits accruing from the sale of the 
book with the family. Under the head 
of Professional Letter Writers, I shall 
have occasion to mention Mr. Redpath. 
again. 

In 1859, Redpath published a book of 
365 pages, entitled "The Roving Editor." 
It came from the press sometime be- 
fore the Harper's Ferry raid of Old Jolm. 
From some pages it is very evident the 
book was prepared with special purpose 
to encourage and incite a servile insur- 
rection. 

I copy from page 306 of that revolu- 
tionary book : — 

"But is insurrection possible?" 

"I believe that it is. The only thing 
that has hitherto prevented a universal 
revolt, is the impossibility of forming ex- 
tended combinations. This the slave code 
effectually prevents. To attain this end, 
therefore, the agency of white men is 
needed." 

"Are there men ready for this holy 
work?" 

"I thank God that there are. There arc 
men who are tired of praising the French 
patriots — who are ready to be Lafayettes 
and Kosciuskos to tlie slaves." 

"Do you ask for a programme of 
action?" 

"The negroes and Southrons have 
taught us. The shives of tlie Dismal 
Swymp, the maroons of Florida, the 



itEMIMSCENCES OF OLD JOHN BROWN. 



29 



Fiee-St:it(j men of Kansas, have pointed' 
out tile method. The South committed 
suioidtj when it compelled the free squat- 
ters to resort to guerilla warfare, and to 
study it both as a viode of subsistence and 
a science. For the mountains, the swamps 
and morasses of the South, are peculiarly 
adapted to this mode of combat, and 
there are a number of young men trained 
to the art in the Kansas ravines, who are 
eager for an opportunity of avenging 
their slain comrades, on tlie real authors 
of their death, in the forests and planta- 
tions of the Carolinas and Georgia.'' 

"1F^7Z you aid them — will you sustain 
th&rri' Are you in favor of a servile insur- 
rection ? 

"Tell God in acts." 

This book from which I cite is dedi- 
cated by Redpath "To Captain Joha 
Brown, of Kansas." On the fourth page 
of the Dedication, at its close, he sa\s: — 

"You went to Kansas when the trouble 
broke out tliere — not to 'settle' or 'specu- 
late'— or from idle curiosity; but for one 
stern, solitary purpose — to have a shot at 
the South. So did I. 

"To you, therefore, my senior in years 
as in service to the slave, I dedicate this 
work." 

Under the sub-head of "My Object," 
page 300, Redpath informs tis why he 
traveled through the South before going 
to Kansas, in 1855, and says it was to 
"disseminate discontentment" among the 
slaves on certain conditions, which he 
names. He then adds : 

"I believed that a civil -war between 
the North and South would ultimate in 
insurrection, and that the Kansas troubles 
would probably create a military conflict 
of the sections. Hence I left the South, 
and went to Kansas ; and endeavored., per- 
sonally and by my pen., to pyecipitate a rev- 
olution. That we failed — for I was 
not alone in this desire— was owing 
to the influence of prominent Republican 
statesmen, whose unfortunately conserva- 
tive character of counsel — which it was 
impossible to openly resist —eftectually 
baflledall our hopes: hopes which Demo- 
cratic action \Yiis auspiciously promot- 
ing."' 

The insurrcctiou was finally set on foot 



in the South, agreeably to llcdpath's 
plans. He was a valiant warrior on 
jjaper; the inciter, aider and abettor of a 
servile and warlike revolution, as shown 
by the foregoing extracts; yet he was not 
there to lead, or assist, or in any manner 
to endanger his own person, but realized 
the oft-quoted couplet of Hudibras, that 
"He who fights and runs away. 
May live to fight another day." 

I am glad to do justice to Redpath, ■ 
and say that after the execution of his 
patron saint; after he discovered that the 
public did not sanction his wild schemes 
of murder and violence; and after he had 
written the "Life of John Brown," he en- 
gaged in the Hayti emigration move- 
ment, and published in Boston, a paper 
entitled The Pine and Palm. The follow- 
ing extracts from that paper I made at 
the time of its publiation, but neglected 
to note its date. It is in words following: 

"A Preparatory Word. — Having be- 
come sincerely convinced that many of 
the political doctrines that I have advo- 
cated in my writings are dangerous and 
abhorrent to the hij^her insight — the mur- 
derous policy, for example, of inciting 
the slaves to insurrection which I have 
urged repeatedly, and with terrible mis- 
taken zeal — I wish to announce here 
that I shall retire from any participation 
in the political management of this jour- 
nal, excepting for the purpose of retract- 
ing past errors, until such time as I feel 
that I have attained a clearer and more 
humane and Christian view ot the duties 
of the freeman to the enslaved . 

"I shall confine myself exclusively to 
the editing of the outside pages of the 
paper. The name of the acting editors 
will be duly announced. — The articles 
signed with an (*) were mine; of these I 
will retract many; my associates, who in- 
dicate their respective writings by the 
initial L., and by the marks ft J. §, are 
alone responsible for their thoughts thus 
labeled. I repudiate my war doctrines, 
utterly and forever. 

"James Redpatu." 

In a later number of The Pi'ie and 
Palm, 1 find a longer statement, in which 



REMINISCENCES OF OLD JOHN BROWN. 



R ;l]iatli gives the reason for the sudden 
change in his views. I quote briefly : 

"It is riglit now that I should confess, 
publicly and coutritelj', that my recent 
chancre in political jiolicy proceeds solely 
and irresistibly iVom a change of heart — 
from an acceptance, fully and unreserved, 
of the doctrines and plan of salvation of 
our Lord and Savior Jesus Christ. * * 
Not the blood of the slaveholder, l)ut the 
blood of the Redeemer, can truly free 
the slave. * '■' Hitherto I have con 
ducted this movement (Haytien emigra- 
tion,) from a sense of duty to man; 
henceforth I shall seek to conduct it as a 
duty to God and man. May his Holy 
S])irit guide, direct, and upliold me ! 
James Redpath." 

In another clipping, which I made 
about the same time, a like confession 
was made in regard to another very bad 
habit he had fallen into touching his 
veracity. This vice had grown upon him 
until it seemed a part of his being. In 
the burning of the Herald of Freedom 
building and contents, at the Quantrell 
Raid on Lawrence, in 1863, all the files of 
my papers were vrholly consumed, with 
bound volumes of many other Kansas 
journals which I had carefully preserved. 
There were also a large and choice col- 
lection ot excerpts saved for future use, 
among which probably was the one re- 
ferred to, and it was lost. I greatly re- 
gret this, for then I could have done this 
famous letter writer, biographer and 
author further valuable service. That he 
was sincerely"contrite" for this evil habit, 
at the time he wrote, there is no doubt. 
I hope his reformation was permanent. 

JOHN BUOWN, JR. 

John Brown. Jr., and H. H. William 
were brought into the camp, near Le- 
compton, about the Kith of June, I85G 
and were held as prisoners with us. They 
were indicted on the 27th of May, at 
Paola, tlien Lykins county, charged with 
"conspiracy to resist the collection of 



taxes." John was also suspicioned with 
resi)onsii)ility for the Pottawotomie mur- 
ders, but I am glad to say there was no 
truth whatever in this allegation. He 
became an occupant of my tent, and 
remained with me some time after he 
was brought into camp. He was partly 
insane; his mind seemed continually run- 
ning on the Pottawotomie massacre, and 
he appeared to supposi he was under 
arrest for that offence. During the 
entire period he was with us — 
nearly three months — whenever that 
event was mentioned in his hear- 
ing his eyes would flash and sparkle 
like a madman's. He would exhibit the 
wildest excitement, and express himself, 
in the severest terms at the enormity of 
the outrage. On several occasions I at- 
tempted to ally his irritation by offering 
an apology for it. He replied invariably: 
"There can be no apology for such a trans- 
action. Every feature of it was too bar- 
barous to admit of an apology." And 
then I would divert his mind as speedily 
as possiljie, engage his thoughts on some 
other subject, when he would gradually 
regain his composure. 

In his ravings about these murders on 
the Pottawotomie, John, Jr., told me of 
the incidents lying between his disband- 
ing his command, when the news of 
the massacre reached him, on the morn- 
ing after its committal, until his arrest. 
He said his best friends in Osawotomie 
turned the "cold shoulder" on him, 
when he arrived in the town ; a pub- 
lic meeting of Free State men was 
soon held, which repudiated it, and de- 
nounced the actors; he called on his wife 
and child, and made his way to the bot- 
tom lands, where he secreted himself be- 
hind logs and trees. He forded the river 
several times to avoid exposure. A se- 
vere storm of rain and lightning came 
on, and he thouglit, in the flashes, he 
could see his pursuers. He said he 



REMINISCENCES OF OLD JOHN BROWN. 



31 



suffered for food ; but his wile occasional- 
ly found and relieved him. Finally, at the 
suggestion of his friends, he voluntarily 
surrendered himself to the civil authori- 
ties, and was taken in charge by federal 
tioops. He was removed to Paola; 
thence to Tecumseh, where he had a hear- 
ing before U. S. Commissioner Hoag- 
land, and was sent to camp for safe keep- 
ing. He represented that he was bound 
with ropes and chains, and was compelled 
to " trot along," thus bound, between two 
horsemen, for forty miles, in a hot June 
sun. How much of these statements 
■were real, and how much imaginary, it 
would be difficult to determine. His 
friends, outside of Kansas, say he was 
made insane by the cruel treatment 
he received as a prisoner, and 
John himself is still laboring under 
that delusion; but I think his insanity 
was induced by the severe fatigue inci- 
dent to his long and exciting march 
towards Lawrence; the nervous shock he 
received when informed of the sacking 
of that town-; and his wearisome return 
iouruey; tlie news of the massacre falling 
so unexpectedly on an extremely sensi- 
tive nature, followed by being suspi- 
cioned by his friends as an accomplice; 
and his exposure, loss of sleep and anx- 
iety of mind while hiding from his pur- 
suers. I am sustained in these opinions 
by the letter of old John Brown, directed 
to Mr. Sanborn, already quoted, under 
the head of "Newly Discovered Evi- 
dence." Speaking of his being accused 
ot the murders, Brown continues : 

"John's company soon afterwards dis- 
banded, and also the Osawotomie men. 
John tried to hide for several days, but 
from the feelings of the ungrateful con- 
duct of those who ought to have stood by 
him, excessive fatigue, anxiety and loss 
of sleep, became quite insane, and in that 
condition gave up, or, as we are told, was 
betrayed at Osawotomie into the hands 
of the Boffus men." 



John told mc during his confinement, 
of a plan, on the part of his fathei, to 
carry the war into Missouii. He showed 
that in his estimation the scheme was a 
practical one to make slave property val- 
ueless on the other side of the Territorial 
line. He reasoned that a constant agita- 
tion, by running off the negroes,- would 
make slave property so insecure that the 
large holders would be compelled to 
either emancipate their "chatties," or sell 
them South. In either contingency it 
would ultimate in the abolition of 
slavery in that State. In fact the whole 
plan of a servile insurrection was devel- 
oped in these .conversations, his father 
being the leader, identical in every es- 
sential particular with that which, three 
years later, was attempted in Viiginia, 
the difference — Missouri was the point of 
attack instead of Virginia; and tlie prai- 
ries of Kansas were the base of opera- 
tions instead of the mountains of the Old 
Dominion. 

John's wife and young son came 
into camp a short time after his arrival, 
and remained until the discharge of the 
treason prisoners, on the 10th of Septem- 
ber, on our personal recognizances. 
John, Jr., and Mr. Williams were left in 
custody. The difficulty of their detention 
being mentioned to the Court by the mil- 
itary officer in command, they were al- 
lowed to depart on giving bail in the sum 
of $5,000 each. I acknowledged myself 
bound in that sum for John's appearance. 
I may say in this connection the bond 
was forfeited; but I was never jirosecuted 
under it. By a late letter of Mr. Brown's, 
I observe that he is under the impression 
that he was indicted for high treason, but 
this is a mistake. 

On breaking up camp Mr. Brown and 
wife accompanied me to my home at 
Lawrence, whei-e he remained for a few 
days until after the 14th ot September 
invasion, and the excitement following it 



REMINISCENCES OF OLD JOHN UU()^VN. 



had passed, when, witl; his wife, father, 
and brothers, he started tor the States, 
croiii"- north to Nebraska, and overland 
through Iowa. 

GOV. GEARY. 

Before release from imprisonment, on 
the 10th of September, I received a very 
interesting letter from Hon. Morrow B. 
Lowry, of Erie, Pa., whom I had known 
from boyhood, accompanied with a letter 
of introduction to Gov. Geary. Mr. 
Lowry had always acted with the Demo- 
cratic party, until the nomination of John 
C. Fi-emont, when, resolved to aid in 
rightino; the wrongs done to Kansas, he 
gave his earnest support to the Repub- 
lican leader. Mr. Lowry requested me to 
l)resent the letter ot introduction to our 
new Governor, as soon as possible after 
his arrival in the Territory. He wrote 
tliathe knew Col. Geary intimately; had 
served one term with him in the Pennsyl- 
vania Legislature; that he was a gentle- 
man in the full sense of that term, and 
that the Free Statj men could rely upon 
his integrity and honor. He desired me 
to o-ive him my confidence and receive 
his. He stated he had written Gov. 
Geary in a similar spirit in regard to my- 
self. 

Gov. Geary arrived at Leavenworth on 
the 9th of September, on the 10th reached 
Lecompton, and on Friday, the 12th, vis- 
ited Lawrence. I met him at the Cincin- 
nati House; presented him Mr. Lowry's 
letter, and had a brief interview. The 
Governor mentioned that he received, on 
the eve of leaving his home for Kansas, 
a letter from his friend Lowry in regard 
to me, and that he would take great 
pleasure in favoring me in any way in his 
power. 

The Governor had already distributed 
large numbers of his proclamations, 
ordering all bodies of armed men to lay 
down their arms and retire to their 



homes and ordinary occupations. He de- 
clared his intention to protect tlie Terri- 
tory from further violence. I walked 
with him to various intiuential citizens, 
whom I introduced. In answer to 
questions I frequently heard propounded, 
"Governor, do you think it is safe 
for us to go to our homes," he invariably 
replied : "You had better stay in town a 
few days longer, tor mutual protection ; 
but be careful that you do nothing in vio- 
lation of the spirit of my proclamation. 
To defend yourselves against an attack, 
will not incur my displeasure." 

On that afternoon, or the following 
morning. Gov. Geary, with his escort, re- 
turned to Lecompton. 

A CRISIS APPROACHING. 

At the time Gov. Geary's arrival in the 
Territory, Lawrence was a military camp. " 
"Woodson, the pro-slavery Secretary, un- 
der Gov. Shannon, was the acting Gover- 
nor, and was running things with a high 
hand. All the roads leading to Lawrence 
were blockaded by armed bodies of 
Southern marauders, and every day vio- 
lence was perpetrated upon Free State 
citizens. Guerilla parties of Free State 
men were also roving the Territory, com- 
mitting depredations on pro-slavery men. 
Between these bodies there was no safety 
for any one. 

Gov. Geary, in his " Farewell Address 
to the People of Kansas," dated March 
12, 1857, manuscript copy of which was 
mailed me from St. Louis, and published 
in the Eerald of Freedom of April 1 8th,'57, 
thus graphically and truthfully describes 
the condition of the Territory, on 
his first arrival— the time of which I am 
writing. He says: 

" I reached Kansas, and entered upon 
the discharge of my official duties in the 
most gloomy hour of her history. Deso- 
lution and ruin reigned on every hand; 
homes and firesides were deserted; the 
smoke of burning dwellings darkened 
the atmosphere; women and children, 



REMINISCENCES OF OLD JOHN BROWN. 



33 



diivi'ii from their habitations, wandered 
over tli(! prairies and anion^ the wood- 
lands, or sought refuge and ])votection 
even among the Indian tribes. The liigh- 
wa}^s were infested with numerous pre 
datory bands,and the towns were fortified 
and garrisoned by armies of conflicting 
partizans, each excited almost to frenzy, 
and determined upon mutual extermina- 
tion. >Such was, without exaggeration, 
the condition of the Territory at the pe- 
riod of my arrival." .*i 

In Lawrence, where the people had re- 
sorted from the country for security, the 
masses were subsisting on just what for- 
aging parties could pick up through the 
country, even bringing in unthreshed 
wheat and oats, treading out the grain, 
and grinding in coffee mills. Teams sent 
to Kansas City or Leavenworth for sup 
plies were sure to be confiscated by the 
Border Ruffians, and the teamsters were 
robbed and outraged in some form. I 
think there were full 800 Free State men 
in town on the Goyernor's arrival ; and 
yet, when with tears in their eyes I heard 
l^arties tell the Governor the necessitous 
condition in which they had left their 
families, and how anxious they were to go 
to their relief, the Governor would reply : 
"You had better remain in Lawrence a 
few days longer, but only for defence." 

I will not at this time detail all the 
facts I know in regard to this subject, as 
they will be more properly treated of in 
my "Reminiscences of Gen. Lane," which 
I am invited to write. / will say that 
history needs correction, badly, at this point. 
Suffice it for the present, the entire de- 
fences of Lawrence were removed, leav- 
ing not to exceed two hundred men in 
town, and (save the " Stubbs," who were 
armed with Sharp's rifles, and who I wish 
to say were always on hand and faithful 
to every trust,) scarcely any organized 
force whatever. 

ANOTHER INVASION. 

Beginning at about 2 o'clock, of Sun- 
day afternoon, the 14th of September, 



1856, every little wliile a messenger 
would arrive in Lawrence, on a foaming 
steed, from the direction of Missouri, and 
in hurried words state that a large body 
ot armed men were rapidly marching on 
the town. The numbers of the enemy 
•were variously estimated at from 1,500 to 
2,000. The earnestness in which the 
news was imparted, the appearance of the 
horses, and frequent repetition of reports 
were sufficient assurances of danger. 
Several expresses were quickly dis- 
patched, by different routes, to Gov. 
Geary, at Lecompton, one of which I 
forwarded with a note, and Gov. Robin- 
son did the same with another. Other 
parties were equally active. 

Four days l)efore, the treason prisoners 
had been discharged, leaving Col. Patrick 
St. George Cooke, who had them in cus- 
tody, with a battery and lull regiment 
of United States cavalry stationed within 
two miles of Lecompton. Our hopes of 
succor in this trying moment was in the 
interposition of these troops between us 
and the invading forces. 

The Herald of Freedom building was a 
high three-story structure, with stairs 
reaching the roof, which was flat. From 
this point I watched in the direction from 
which we expected the enemy, occasion- 
ally descending to mingle with the citi- 
zens to see what arrangements were be- 
ing made for defense. The ladies in my 
residence, wliich was divided from the 
office by a narrow alley only, were mak- 
ing cartridges, while others were bring- 
ing bullets and powder from neighboring 
places. I was a deeply interested party, 
for teams were then on the road for my 
new press, type and fixtures, and I was 
soon expecting their arrival. ^ 

About 5 o'clock a large party of horse- 
men, estimated at 400, were seen ap- 
proaching from towards Franklin. They 
were within, probably, two miles of the 
town. The fact was announced, when, 



;54 



R1;MINISCENCK8 of old JOHN KUOWN. 



desceuding from my i)()iDt ol" olfscrvu- 
tion, taking two or tlireu lojulod j^uus, 
accompanied by my sistor, Mrs. Mary 
A. Maudell, and my sister iu-law, Miss 
A. W. Gleason, tliey bearing cartridges, 
■we made our way to entrenchments 
tlirown up in the autumn previous, I 
think, near Vermont and Henry streets. 
"We entered one ot these and watched all 
that transpired, ready to sell our lives as 
dearly as possible in defence of our 
homes and each other. I remember see- 
ing old John Brown pass near, going 
towards some other entrenchment; but I 
heard no speech, no directions, no coun- 
sels, no command of any character. He 
wore uo ensignia of rank, and carried 
neither sword or gun. Col. J. B. Abbott 
•was understood to be in command. Yet, 
as the forces were unorganized, and the 
feeling was universal that a vigorous and 
successful defence was the condition on 
■which we should escape; we needed no 
commander in such an emergency. The 
threats that reached us were that we were 
"to be wiped out." We numbered not to 
exceed two hundred, while the advancing 
enemy was believed to equal four hun- 
dred, ^and back of these was a large 
army, how many we did not know. 

As the invaders neared the town the 
Stubbs, consisting of some sixty young 
men, armed with Sharp's rifles, advanced 
to meet them. A braver or truer body 
of men never set foot on Kansas soil. 
They were justly the pride of the town. 
There was not a man among them who 
would not have deemed it a pleasure to 
die in preference to turning his face from 
the foe. Many of these men afterwards 
fell under command of Col. Deitzler, at 
Wilson's creek, where Gen. Lyon was 
killed. Their names adorn the brightest 
pages of Kansas history. 

The Stubbs fired a few shots at the 
approaching enemy, and one of the in- 
vaders fell from his horse, which galloped 



away riderless. At this occurrence tliey 
retraced tlieir steps to Franklin and re- 
joined tlie main army. They proved to 
be an advanced mounted guard, wliich 
had gone out to "feel" of the Free State 
men, and see if they were disposed to of- 
fer any resistance to their entering the 
town. ^ 

The general invading force had been 
collected from various points in Missouri, 
and had rendezvoused at Westport, under 
Gen. Hciskell, responsive to a proclama- 
tion from Acting-Governor Woodson. 
They learned from spies, who were at 
Lawrence, on the arrival of Gov. Geary, 
and who remained until Col. Harvey, in 
obedience to an order from Gen. Lane, 
had crossed the river and gone to Hickory 
Point, in defiance of the Guvernor''s procla 
maiion^ taking with him the almost entire 
defenses of the town. Dispatches, it 
seems, were sent to Westport, and on the 
12th, the enemy set out determined to 
reach Lawrence in this unprotected con- 
dition, and destroy it before Gov. Geary 
could interpose any obstruction. They 
had purposed to reach their point of 
destination on the afternoon of Sunday, 
and complete their bloody work. Instead, 
the forty miles of travel for a large body 
of badly organized soldiery,which proved 
to consist of 2,700 men, unaccustomed to 
long marches delayed them, and on reach- 
ing Franklin the infantry and lour pieces 
of cannon were halted, while the cavalry 
advanced ; seeing a fight was inevitable, 
returned and delayed their intended as- 
sault upon the town until the following 
morning. 

Reader, be patient. I am trying at 
this point to correct much false history, 
and have entered into greater detail than 
I would under other circumstances. 

FEDEU.^L INTERPOSITION. 

About 9 o'clook Sunday night the 
heavy rumbling of wagons, and the rapid 
clatter of horses' hoofs, descending th 



REMINISCENCES OF OLD JOHN RROWN. 



35 



elevated plat eau from the old California 
road to LawreDce, gave assurance that 
protection had reached us in the form 
of the United States cavalry, a battery of 
six cannon, and a thousand well-armed 
and thoroughly drilled soldiers, under 
the command of that brave old warrior, 
Col. Cooke, who, two years after, when 
tendered the command of the rebel 
troops of Virginia, by the Governor of his 
native State, in substance replied, that 

"Though I love m y mother, on whose 
bosom I was nursed, yet I owe allegiance 
to my father more, who reared me, gave 
me my military education, trusted me 
with a commission in his army, under 
whose flag I have spent the best years of 
my life, and, though sorry to raise an 
arm against her who gave me birth, am 
resolved, if need be, to die in that 
father's defence." 

I had made Col. CookeV acquaintance 
while a prisoner, indeed had commenced 
writing a series of personal sketches of 
him, for publication, which he himself 
kindly furnished me, but which were cut 
short, long before their completion, by 
our unexpected discharge. His oppor- 
tune arrival before Lawrence, relieved 
further anxiety, and, like hundreds of 
other weary ones, I retired for the night, 
after seeing the troops entering camp be- 
tween the invaders at Franklin and our 
own greatly loved pioneer city of Kansas. 
GOV. Geary's statement. 

To conclude th's narration. Gov. Geary 
told me, soon after the events I have re- 
corded transpired, that on his way up the 
Missouri he saw these invaders organiz- 
ing, and learned they were marshaling 
their forces at Westport, Mo ; that he 
hurried forward as rapidly as possible, 
prepared his proclamation to head them 
oft, and resolved that no injury 
should come to Lawrence in any 
contingency; that this was the 
reason he suggested to persons 
inquiring of him "th-it it would be bet- 
ter to remain in Lawrence a few days 



longer," and that the invaders hud stolen 
a march on him, and set themselves down 
before the town several days earlier than 
he expected. 

The Governor said, on receipt of the 
first note, which reached him, quite late 
in the afternoon of Sunday, he immedi- 
ately wrote and dispatched to camp, two 
miles distant, the following: 
Executive Office, Lecompton, Kan.T. 
Sept. 14, 1856. 

Col. p. St. George Cooke : — Remove 
your entire command, with all possible 
dispatch, to Lawrence, for the defence of 
that town. I will accompany you in 
person. John W. Geary, Governor. 

Early in the morning of the 15th, 

Gov. Geary issued the following order: 

Executive Office, Kansas T., ) 

In Camp near Lawrence, >• 

Sept. 15, 18.56. ) 

Col. p. St. George Cooke : Inter- 
pose your command before Lawrence,and 
allow no armed body to enter that town. 
Call the people of that city to your aid, 
if you need assistance. Disregard any or- 
der coming from me to the contrary, un- 
less given in person. 

John W. Geary, Governor Kan. T. 

Gov. Geary, with a small escort, ac- 
companied by Col. Cooke, rode to Frank- 
lin and had an interyiew with the com- 
manding otScers, and the head conspir- 
ator, Dave Atchison. They claimed to 
be there in accordance with a proclama- 
tion issued by Acting Gov. Woodson ; 
that they appeared in the capacity of 
Kansas militia, though they would not 
deny the fact that they came from Mis- 
souri; that they had an enrolled force ot 
2,400, and about 300 stragglers who were 
not formally organized, but would do ef- 
fective work if an engagement took 
place. 

The Governor caused his proclamation 
to be read to the entire force; assured 
the invaders that he had a federal force 
sufficient to maintain the peace of the 
Territory, and that their services would 
not be required in that direction. 



REMINISCENCES OF OLD JOHN BROWN. 



After the Governor retired tlic leaders 
held a loug cousultatiou, and, finallj', re- 
luctantly consented to retrace their steps 
to Missouri. A portion of them made 
the circuitous route by way of Lecomp- 
ton, and committed gross outrages en 
route, among others stealing several 
horses, and murdering a gentleman by 
the name of Buflfum. Gov. Geary at- 
tempted to bring the villains to justice, 
but was thwarted through the interposi- 
tion of a corrupt judiciary. 

THE PRO-SLAVERY ACCOUNT. 

I compile from an anonymous writer in 
tlie St. Louis Evening Neios of September 
24th, the following version of this aflair 
from a "Border Ruffian" standpoint. I 
use the language of the writer, only 
slightly abridged : — 

"The Missourians, true to their word, 
inarched from Westport, on the 13th, to 
attack Lawrence. The army was com- 
posed of one regiment of foot and two of 
mounted men— in all t',400 men, attended 
by four pieces of artillery. Gen. Heiskell 
was in command. On the 13th and 14th, 
the army marched forty miles, reaching 
Franklin, four miles from Lawrence. 
The advance guard, when about three 
miles from Franklin, was fired on by the 
picket guard of the Lawrence army, and 
one man was killed. The main body was 
hurried up as rapidly as possible, for the 
purpo:^e of attacking Lawrence that even- 
ing. By the time it reached Franklin it 
was night, and the contemplated attack 
was postponed. The army encamped at 
Franklin, intending to make the assault 
next day, the 15th. 

"At midnight an express arrived with 
information that Col. Cooke had been 
sent by Gov. Geary, who was urgently 
solicited by the people of Lawrence to 
interpose for their protection. 

"On the 15rh Gov. Geary arrived at 
Franklin and had a consultation with the 
officers of the invading army. He told 
them he was prepaired to enforce the 
laws, to arrest offenders, crush out insur- 
rection, and suppress disorder with the 
aid of the troops under his command; 
that the interposition of the troops under 
Gen. Heiskell was no longer necessary. 



In view of these facts he urged the 
jNIissourians to disband, and aljandon 
their projected attack on Lawrence. 

"Gen. Atcliison, Gen. Rcid and Col. 
Titus urged compliance with the Gover- 
nor's proposal. The Governor withdrew 
from the conference. 

"A meeting was immediately organ- 
ized, with Gen. Atchison in the cliair. 
Resolutions were passed declaring that 
relying on the protection promised to 
peaceable settlers by the Governor, they, 
the invading flrmy, would disband and 
return to their homes." 

redpath's statement. 

In his "Life of Old John Brown,'' 
Redpatli devotes thirteen pages to the de- 
tails of ''Brown's Defence of Lawrence." 
To read it, with its gorgeous disp'ay of 
rhetoric, and brilliant scintillations of 
genius, not omitting, "not fiction but 
poetry,^'' as Mrs. Robinson happily styles 
it, the reader would suppose that there, 
in Lawrence, on the afternoon of the 14th 
of September, 185G, and duiing the long 
night which followed, was fought one of 
the most destructive battles recorded in 
American history; and that to old John 
Brown's genius, and great military ex- 
perience and gallantry, the people were in- 
debted for their salvation, and the city 
saved from complete destruction. I quote 
from page 163, to its conclusion, omitting 
all the fine descriptions not necessary to 
a complete comj^rehension of the facts: 

"The inquiry was next, 'Who shall be 
that leader ?' * * It was no sooner 
known that Capt. Brown was in town, 
than he was unanimously voted general- 
in-chief for the day. The principal por- 
tion of the people had assembled in Main 
street, opposite the post office; [There is 
no Main street in Lawrence,] and Capt. 
Brown, standing upon a dry goods l)ox 
in their midst, addressing them some- 
what as follows: [Here follows a speech. 
Probably all who heard it were killed in 
the terrible figlit(?) which followed.] 
* * Having thus taught them in the 
arts of war, he commenced his prepara- 
tions for defence. * * Capt. Brown 
was always active and on the alert, visit- 
ing every part of the town, and all the 



REMINISCENCES OF OLD JOHN BROWN. 



37 



fortitirations, in person, giving direction:-, 
and exliorting every man to keep cool, 
and do his duty, and his reward would 
be an approving conscience. * * 
Aiiout live o'clock in the afternoon tlieir 
advance guard, consisting :.f 400 horse- 
men, crossed the Wakarusa, and pre- 
sented themselves in sight of town about 
two miles oft', where they halted, and ar- 
ranged themselves for battle, fearing 
perhaps to come within too close range 
of Sliarp's rifte balls. Brown's move- 
ments now were a little on the off"ensive 
order, for he ordered out all the Sharpe's 
riflemen from every part of the town — in 
all not more than forty or fifty — marched 
them a half mile into the prairie, and 
arranged them three paces apart, in a line 
parallel with that of the enemy, and 
then they lay down upon their faces in 
the grass." 

Let us leave them "lying on their 
faces," certainly a poor couch, skip over 
all the intermediate minute descriptions 
of incidents, the meeting of the beliger- 
ents "face to face," "half a mile apart 
and a cornfield between," the hurrying 
down of the sua in "anticipation of a 
fratricidal strife," the good deeds ot the 
angel in "spreading her mantle over the 
earth," and the refiections of the author 
in regard to "the distant Aidenn," and, 
in modern parlance "pitch in" the thick- 
est of the fight. Don Quixote's battle 
with th^ wind mills was nowhere. Lis- 
ten: 

"The distance now between the con- 
tending armies was such as to give 
Sharpe's rifle balls, that were fired with 
precision, a deadly effect; as was evinced 
by the fact that several horses were found 
riderless. In a few moments the firing 
became general, and in the darkness, and 
otherwise stillness of the night, the con- 
tinual flash, flash, flash of these engines 
of death along the line of living fire, pre- 
sented a scene the appearance of 
which was at once not only ter- 
rible but sublimely beautiful. From 
fear that the few men detailed to 
meet the enemy would be surrounded in 
the darkness, by the superior numbers of 
horsemen, and cut to pieces, a twelve 
pound brass piece, under guard of twelve 



men, was sent to their assistance; but be- 
lore it had arrived upon the ground, the 
foe had become panic-stricken and fied." 

No wonder, for the brass piece men- 
tioned did execution that day some twenty 
miles distant, in the vicinity of Hickory 
Point. 

I will not disturb the slumbers of T., 
nor the historian of this bloody battle, 
nor the " Generalin Chief," by entering 
the " breast work ;" nor listen to the " Lib- 
erator's" recital of his trials as given on 
pages 167-8,, but give audience at once 
to Richard Raelf, who, Redpath says, 
"died on his passage from England," 
where he had gone for funds to aid in 
the Harper's Ferry Raid, but which the 
newspapers said last year, had just sui- 
cided in San Francisco. " He who has 
tears to shed, prepare to shed them now L" 

THE DEFENCE OF LAWRENCE.^ 

All night, upon the guarded hill. 

Until the stars were low, 
Wrapped round as with Jehovah's will, 

We waited for the foe; 
All night the silent sentinels 

Moved by like gliding ghosts; 
AH night the fancied warning bells 

Held all men to their posts. 

We heard the sleeping prairies breathe, 

The forest's human moans, 
The hungry gnashing of the teeth 

Of wolves on bleaching bones; 
We marked the roar of rushing fires. 

The neigh of frightened steeds. 
And voices as of far-off lyres 

Among the river reeds. 

We were but thirty-nine who lay 

Beside our rifles then ; 
We were but thirty-nine, and they 

Were twenty hundred men. 
Our lean limbs shook and reeled about,' 

Our feet were gashed and bare, 
And all the breezes shredded out 

Our garments in the air. 

Sick, sick, at all the woes which spring 

Where falls the Southron's rod, 
Our very souls had learned to cling 

To Freedom as to God ; 
And so we never thought of fear. 

In all those stormy hour?, 
For every mother's son stoodnear 

The awful, unseen powers. 



REMINISCENCES OF OLD JOHN BROWN. 



And twenty hundred men had met, 

And sworn an oaih of liell 
That, ere the morrow's sun might set, 

Our smoking homes should teil 
A tale of ruin and of wrath, 

And damning hate in store. 
To bar the freeman's western path 

Against him evermore. 

Thev came : the blessed Sabbath day, 

That soothed our swollen veins. 
Like God's sweet benediction, lay 

On all the singing plains; 
The valleys shouted to the sun. 

The great woods clapped their hands, 
And joy and glory seemed to run 

Like rivers through the lands. 

They came : our daughters and our wives, 

And men whose heads were white, 
Rose suddenly into kingly lives, 

And walked forth to the fight; 
And we drew aim along our guns. 

And calmed our quickening breath; 
Then, as is meet for Freedom's sons. 

Shook loving hands with Death. 

And when three hundred of the foe 

Rode up in scorn and pride. 
Whoso had watched us then might know 

That God was on our side; 
For all at once, a mighty thrill 

Of grandeur through us swept. 
And strong and svy-iftly down the hill 

Like Gideons we leapt. 

And all throughout that Sabbath day 

A wall of fire we stood. 
And held the bnffled foe at bay, 

And streaked the ground wiii blood; 
And when the sun was very low. 

They wheeled their stricken ranks, 
And passed on, wearily and slow, 

Beyond the river banks. 

Beneath the everlasting stars. 

We benaed child-like knees. 
And thanked God tor the shining scars 

Of his large victories ; 
And some, who lingered, said they heard 

Such wondrous music pass, 
As though a seraph's voice had stirred 

The pu'ses of the grass. 

CArT, brown's statement. 
I have given the reader my own ac- 
coitnt of the defence of Lawrence, on the 
1-ith of September, 1856, and minutely 
stated my means of inforn ition and ob- 
servation. I have given the pro slavery 
account of the aftair, as furnished by 
members of their own party, and pub- 
lished at the time in one of their own 



papers. I have copied from Red path 
his account ot the invasion, and showed 
what an exciting and prolonged battle 
was fought, in his frenzied imafjinatioii., 
on this occasion. 

Old John Brown, when before the Mas- 
sachusetts Legislature, in February, 1857, 
five months only after the event, made 
mention of it, which I copy from Red- 
path's life, page 181. He said: 

"I know well that on or about the 14th 
of September, 1856, a large force of ]Mis- 
sourians and other ruffians, said by Gov. 
Geary to be twenty-seven hundred in 
numbers, invaded the Territory, burned 
Franklin, and, while the smoke of that 
place was going up behind them, they, 
on the same day, made their appearance 
in full view of, and within about a mile 
of Lawrence; and I know ot no reason 
why they did not attack that place, ex- 
cept that about one hundred Free State 
men volunteered to go out, and did go out 
on the open plain before the town, and 
give them the offer of a light; wliich, 
after getting scattering shots from our 
men, they declined, and retreated back 
towards Franklin. I saw that whole 
thing." 

The Chairman of the Committee, be- 
fore whom the above statement was 
made, inquired "Who commanded the 
Free State men at Lawrence?"' Red path, 
page 183, gives the answer in these 
words : 

"His answer was characteristic of the 
man, whose courage was only equalled 
by bis modesty and worth. He explained 
how bravely our boys acted — gave every 
one the credit Imt himself. When again 
asked who commanded them, he said — 
no one; that he was asked to take the 
command, but refused, and only acted as 
the^- adviser." 

Here we have the positive, unqualified, 
and truthful statement of old John 
Brown, that he did not command on that 
occasion. That he was requested by 
somebody to do so is very probable; but 
it could not have come from any author- 
ized party without the writer's knowl- 
edge, for he was in a position of all 



REMINISCENCES OF OLD JOHN BROWN. 



39 



iiieu, U> know what was transpiring on 
thai day in Lawrence. 

On tliree separate and distinct 
occasions old John Brown has been cred- 
ited with being the "Defender of Law- 
rence." First, he appears in the city 
with his sons, in December, 1855, and is 
arrested for insubordination — he wished 
"to draw a little blood." On the second 
he arrives witliin twelve miles of the city, 
reaches Palmyra, and retraces his steps — 
do you say, reader to Pottawotomie? 
And, third, he is a mere looker on, and 
did no more, to say the least, than any of 
the hundred ladies who were engaged in 
making cartridges, or the two, certainly, 
who entered the trenches with tin pails 
of cartridges to aid their brothers in 
firing more rapidly, should occasion de- 
mand. And yet his eulogists tell us he 
was the "brave defender of Lawrence, 
and without his services the city would 
have been destroyed on these occasions." 

At Bismark Grove, nearLawrence,Kan- 
sas, on the 16th of September, 1879, I 
heard a gentleman, from the platform, in 
the hearing of thousands of interested 
listeners, most of whom were compara- 
tively new-comers in that State, make 
the broad and unqualified assertion that 
the freedom of Kansas was due to the 
services of Gen. Lane, and old Jolin 
BroAvn. Shall they who know to the con- 
trary, remain silent, and allow such state- 
ments to go down to another generation, 
and pass into history, uncontradicted ? 
The most i^umble actual settler who lo- 
cated in Kansas with his family, who re- 
mained, and voted with the Free State 
party, rendered a greater service to free- 
dom than did old John Brown, who nev- 
er cast a vote there, and whose influence 
was to discourage Northern emigration, 
by his acts of violence. Gen. Lane is en- 
titled to great credit for his services, and 
when I write of him I shall award him 



that credit he deserves. I write for an- 
other generation, with no expectation of 
reward, hence it is iust that neither fear 
nor favor shall guide my pen. 

AN INTERLUDE. 

I have already stated that immediately 
after the 14th of September invasion, old 
John Brown and his sons, with their fam- 
ilies, started overland, by way of Ne- 
braska and Iowa, for the Eastern States. 
It is not my purpose to follow the Cap- 
tain on his long journey; to detail the in- 
cidents by the way ; his arrival in Chica- 
go, in November; his efforts in Ohio to 
raise a regiment of men to march into 
Missouri to make reprisals; his visiting 
Albany in December; the particulars re- 
garding his visit to his home and family 
at North Elba, Essex County, N. Y.; and 
thence to Boston, and visiting the Massa- 
chusetts Legislature in February, 1857. 
Neither is it my purpose to show his 
earnest efforts to raise funds to renew the 
strife in Kansas ; his contract for pikes to 
arm the slaves in Missouri, where he was 
proposing to strike his next blow, but 
was finally diverted, by causes which 
shall appear in the sequel, to Harper's 
Ferry; his failures, vexations, disappoint- 
ments, and denunciations of prominent 
Republicans, who stood in the way of his 
wild adventures, and who, he declared, 
were foes to the cause of freedom, be- 
cause of their conservatism. 

Ail the long period lying between 
September, 1856, and November, 18.-)7, 
when the "Liberator" again returned to 
Kansas, was a period of almost unbroken 
rest, interrupted only by deep anxiety for 
the future, and the earnest discussions 
among Free State men as to the line of 
policy to be pursued, and which was 
crowned by wresting the Territorial Legis- 
lature from the bogus authorities, a nd 
sending a Free State Delegate to Congress. 
Save the Lecompton Constitution, which 



40 



REMINISCENCES OF OLD JOHN BROWN. 



still endangered us, the question was vir- 
tually settled between freedom and slav- 
ery. A new era had dawned. A large 
emigration from the North began to flow 
in upon us. The timid, who had fled 
during the strife, had returned to their 
homes; the South were discouraged and 
had mostly fled; cur Free State newspa- 
pers were revived ; separated families were 
reunited; and in November, 1857, it 
needed no prophet's ken to settle the 
future that awaited disenthralled Kansas. 
AVith this period of repose, I will in- 
troduce, with the consent of the reader, 
by way of interlude, a few sketches of 
border life, which I trust will not be 
wholly devoid of interest. 

A STRANGE COINCIDENCE 

By the generosity of those who were 
interested in the freedom of Kansas, and 
the personal efl'orts of Mrs. Brown, some 
$3,700 were contributed to aid in the re- 
vival of the Herald of Freedom. Much of 
this amount was reimbursed during the 
ensuing year. Less than $1,600 reached 
the writer of this, owing to large sums 
expended in defraying expenses of agents, 
and in a fruitless attempt to obtain, first 
from Judge McLean, at Cincinnati, and 
afterwards Judge Curtis, in Massachu- 
setts, members ol the Supreme Court of 
the United States, writs of liabeas corpus 
for the relief of the treason prisoners. 

Diiriog the summer of 185G, while still 
in durance, I opened a correspondence 
with the Cincinnati Type Foundry, for 
a duplication of the bills of the news- 
paper department of the ofiice. That 
Company chanced to liave a hand press, 
type and fixtures at Manhatten, wliich 
had been obtained of them by fraud, but 
possession had been regained before the 
boxes were opened. They sent me an or- 
der for the outfit, to Mr. Pipher, still 
living at Manhatten. 

Immediately after my discharge from 



arrest I procured the services of Augus- 
tus Wattles, then living near Blooniiug- 
ton, Kan., who, with his teams, started by 
the way of Topeka for the goods. 

Conscious of the great risk we were 
running, and the probabilities of capture 
by guerillas, on its way down to Law- 
rence, through the aid of a pro slavery 
friend, who was not in sympathy with 
the violent proceedings of his party, ' and 
in whose integrity I had implicit confi- 
dence, I had papers made out, putting 
the office in bis hands,so that if captured 
by "Buford's men" it would never ti.e'.ess 
reach me safely. 

Thus provided, Mr. Wattles, with the 
requisite order, obtained the material 
from Mr. Pipher,and set out on his return 
journey. When in the neighborhood of 
Silver Lake he was captured by a roviug 
body of armed men. Not recognizing 
his captors he exhibited his pro slavery 
papers. The "boys" assured him that a 
press was just the thing they wauled. He 
was escorted to Topeka,where he revealed 
the truth, was recognized by acquaint- 
ance?, and passed on to Lawrence, with- 
out further incident. 

As Mr. Wattles passed up Massachu- 
setts street, between Henry and Winthrop, 
with his teams, a body of mounted horse- 
men entered Massachusetts street from 
the ford of the river, dragging in the dust 
behind them a red flug, the identical one 
which waved over the Herald of Freedom 
ofiice on the 21st of May previous, when 
it was destroyed by Border Ruffians. The 
new press and the captors ot the flag met 
at the corner of Winthrop street, where 
the ofiice was located. 

The Free State boys, I do not remem- 
ber under whose command, had captured 
the day previous, I tiiiuk, near Easton, 
a company of South Carolinians, and took 
their flag and arms. The victors pre- 
sented me with a musket, which they 



REMINISCENCES OF OLD JOHN BROWN. 



41 



took from the vauquislied, ou the barrel of 
which was stamped the State arms, and 
the words " South Carolina," showing 
that the last of the original states admit- 
ted into the Union, had contributed from 
her State armory munitions of war for our 
sal)jugation. I regret to write that the 
musket was lost by some means in one 
of the Indian scares in Western Kansas, 
as I left it with A. R. Leonard, Esq., re- 
siding near Lawrence, to l)e forwarded to 
me in Illinois. I have tlie bayonet still 

FURTHER STRATEGY. 

Though I had succeeded in getting 
the necessary printing material I had no 
paper. Messrs. Younglove & Hoyt, of 
Cleveland, Ohio, donated me $200 in 
printing paper, soon after the office was 
destroyed. This was shipped to Alton, 
1 11., and remained in the warehouse there 
through the summer, I ordered it to be 
forwarded to Mr. McAllister, Lecompton, 
Kan., through a leading pro-slavery com- 
mission house in St. Louis, thence to the 
cart! of a violent one in Leavenworth. In 
due time Mr. McAllister was notified of 
its arrival at Leavenworth. He was Gov. 
Geary's private secretary. His given 
name is forgotten. 

Mr. McAllister procured some pro-slav- 
ery teamster ; at Lecompton, to haul the 
paper from Leavenworth, with instruc- 
tions to cross the ferry at Lawrence, on 
their return. The teamsters received the 
p per from the warehouse, and returned 
homeward, no doubt congratulating 
themselves on the idea that they would 
now have a trusty Democratic paper 
again in operation at Lecompton. 

Knowing about the time they would 
reach the river a watch was kept for 
them. On their arrival, on the Lawrence 
side, I presented them an order from Mc- 
Allister to deliver the paper to me, which 
they did, but exhibited much chagrin 
and mortification in di)ing so 

This is the manner, the first time made 



public, the Ruffians 'vere circumvented, 
who had resolved that no Free State 
newspaper office or printing material 
should again be allowed to reach Kansas. 
Foiled in this, and the circulation of the 
Herald of Freedom, reaching; 8,0l)0 during 
the winter, they readily discovered the 
truth of the adage that "The blood of 
the martyrs is the seed of the church," 
and tliought it best to not disturb the 
papers in tVie future. 

AN EXCITING INCIDENT. 

To illustrate the times and disturbed 
state of Kansas, during this interc-^tiug 
period in tke history of the Territory, I 
give the following facts: 

After our release from imprisonment; 
the arrival ot Gov. Geary: the return of 
Gens. Heiskell and Reed, with their in- 
vading army of twenty-seven hundred to 
Missouri; the disappearance of old John 
Brown, his sons and their families 
towards Iowa; the arrest and imprison- 
ment of Col. Harvey and his command 
of one hundred, who had unwisely 
responded to an "order" of Gen. Lane's, 
after Gov. Geary's proclamation of peace: 
and while Gov. Geary and his escort 
were making a tour of Southern Kansas 
to tranquilize the agitation in that quar- 
ter, probably sometime during the last 
days of October, I was sitting at my 
table, in the sanctum of the Herald of 
Freedom office building, preparing copy 
for the paper. A rap at the inner door. 
I arose, opened it, and saw three mea 
standing before me , armed with revolvers 
and bowies, and I think Sharp's rifles. 
Speaking to them, one inh'oduced himself 
as Captain H. Shaking hands with him, 
he then introduced the others, one as 
"my first Lieutenaut," giving his name, 
which has escaped me; the other as "sec- 
ond Lieutenant," whose name is also for- 
gotten. I passed them chairs, and took 
a seat myself at the table where I had 
been writing. 



42 



REMINISCENCES OF OLD JOHN RBOWN. 



Capt. H. opened the conversation ; in- 
quired how soon the Herald of Freedom 
■would again appear; congratulated me on 
my restoration to liberty, and then said, 
with a hearty laugh, in which the whole 
trio joined: "Gov. Geary is tranquilizing 
the Territory." I replied that he seemed 
doing much in that direction, and from 
the character of letters to me Irom per- 
sonal friends in Pennsylvania, who knew 
Gov. Geary well, and from private inter- 
course with him, I had no doubt of his 
success, provided, the authorities at 
Washington would not interfere with his 
work. 

"He can never do it," replied Capt. H. 
"It is too late. The Ruffians have over- 
run Kansas, have had their day until the 
Free State men are thoroughly organized 
for revenge, and now they want to tran- 
quilize us. Ha, ha, ha, they can't do it. 
Let me tell you, Mr. Brown, my Lieu- 
tenants here and myself have been fol- 
lowing in the rear of Gov. Geary's pacific 
tour, and we have been trying to show 
that the thing won't tranquilize." He 
then i)roceeded to narrate various crimes 
they had committed, entering into de- 
tails, telling of murders, arsons, rapes, 
horsestealing, and othf;r offenses of an ag- 
gravated character. 

1 was wholly alone in the presence of 
three brutal ruffians. What should I do? 
I said: 

"I think you mistake the true policy. 
Our ambition is to make Kansas a Free 
State. Our success is contingent upon 
the number of actual settlers we have 
from the free North, who will co-operate 
with us. To get these settlers it is our 
interest, as well as duty, to quiet down 
the excitement, show up the beauty of 
the country, the healthful climate, pro- 
ductive soil, and satisfy them that we 
have the al)ility to make it free, and we 
■will see such an emigration Kansas- 
■ward next spring as the world has never 



seen before. You must remember, Cap- 
tain, that the great mass of us are here 
with our families, our property, with all 
we have in the world. We came here to 
build up homes and free institutions, 
and to be successful we must have peace 
and quiet." 

"You can't do it. You can't do it. It 
is too late. We have got stirred np in 
the matter, and by G — we shall keep it 
stirred up. I have told you what we 
have done. We shall continue in the 
rear ot Gov. Geary's movements, and we 
shall continue to agitate," replied the 
Captain, the Lieutenants with oaths en- 
dorsing his threats. 

"Gentlemen, if this is the case, I shall 
feel in honor bound to repeat this conver- 
sation to Gov. Geary, and, much as I de- 
spise the bogus authorities, I shall hope 
to see you arrested and convicted for 
your crimes." 

They all sprung to their feet, drew 
their revolvers, and threatened me with 
dire vengeance. I arose at the same in- 
stant, shoved a paper aside on the table, 
exposing an armory, which experience 
had taught me were good things to have 
on such occasions. Without showing 
fear I ordered them from the room ; told 
them they would hear nothing further from 
me, unless I heard of further violence 
from them. They retreated down stairs, 
and twenty-two years have passed since 
then. Whether any of them are now 
living I don't know, but the facts are 
in every essential particular as I nave 
narrated. 

To the old settlers of Kansas I will 
make an explanation in this connection, 
and to the "Letter-Writers," an apology. 
In the summer of 1857, the letter-writers 
of which there were some thirteen or 
more, had headquarters at the Whitney 
House, in Lawrence. If any event was 
about to transpire, in any portion of the 
Territory, they would send one of their 



REMINISCENCES OF OLD JOHN BROWN. 



43 



cumber to that point, who would gather 
up the facts, return to the general rendez- 
vous, make his report, when each one 
would write his respective paper of the 
event, filling up with such incidents as 
an active imagination would suggest, and 
dating their letters at distant points. 
Thus, corroborated by each other in 
main facts, all was taken as true as holy 
writ. Indeed the Eastern press used the 
same arguments to show that they were 
truthful, as the vindicators of the bible 
have done to show the correctness of the 
sacred writers. "They were written at 
dilferent times, by diflferent persons, 
widely separated from each other, of 
cotemporary eveuts, and all agree in main 
facts.therefore their statements are strictly 
reliable." 

Tliese letter writers were almost inva- 
riably sensational; the more exciting their 
narrations the greater the demand, and 
the more letters would be required. They 
generally received $5 each for their cor- 
respondence. The more letters they wrote 
the better it paid. The Herald of Free- 
dom was ever correcting their statements, 
and trying to convince the eastern public 
that "bloody Kansas" was not half as 
bloody as the correspondents were repre- 
senting. Something was necessary to 
protect the guild. A/riend of mine, who 
had access to their rooms, reported that 
the whole list of Letter- Writers had en- 
tered into a solemn agreement to crush 
the Herald of Freedom, by representing 
the editor with having "sold out to 
the administration, gone over to the 
enemy." Remembering that Captain 
H. was then an eastern correspondent, 
whether of the guild I do not know, I 
unwisely stated the fact, in and editorial, 
that the letter writers had resolved to 
write down tlie Herald of Freedom; that 
we had corrected too many of their false- 
hoods through our columns for them 
longer to submit to it quietly; that they 



were not the sort of men whose truthful- 
ness could be always relied upon; 
that one of their number was a profes- 
sional horse thief, and he would be 
known because he had and would con- 
tinue to write the most bitter things de- 
nunciatory of the Herald of Freedom and 
its editor. The insane man running 
through the streets stating that "Hell 
was out for noon," don't half express tie 
excitement which that brief editorial 
caused among the scribling fraternity. I 
think a dozen challenges to fight duels 
followed in rapid succession, and the 
most dignified ot them insisted on a cor- 
rection as to him. Our statement was 
strictly true, but no doubt rather sweep- 
ing in its effect; and, looked upon from 
this distant stand point, more than 32 
years after, we will say frankly, if his 
name does not commence with H. he was 
not the letter-writer to wlmm we referred, 
and, to save another challenge, we mav 
as well mention that his name was not 
Hinton. 

THE TERKIBLE FATE OK A TYPO. 

While the foregoing incidents illustrate 
one phase of Kansas life, and show the 
disturbed state of the country, I will re- 
cite still another, as due to the faithful 
exposition of the times. 

It was during this same autumn of 
1856. With the destruction of the Her- 
ald of Freedom ofHce, my own arrest and 
imprisonment, and business of every sort 
suspended throughout the Territory, my 
typos were thrown out of employment, 
and every honest means of sujjport was 
cut off. Four months of the outer world 
shut out, I lost all trace of them, save of 
Mr. Wliitcomb, who remained faithful to 
his trust, and did what he could to col- 
lect the broken and scattered ruins of 
one ot the best printing offices ever taken 
to Kansas, and prevent farther spiolation. 
He still lives in Lawrence, with his 



44 



REMINISCE^'CES OF OLD JOHN HIiOWN. 



pleasaut family, pursuing the delightful 
occupation of a Horist. 

At the time of this incident I had suc- 
ceeded in getting our Free State citizen 
soldiery removed from the office building, 
•who I found in full possession of each of 
the three floors, when I returned from 
camp; had received my new printing 
office, in spite of Border Ruffian vigilance, 
which had determined uo new printing 
establishment should reach Free State 
men in the Territory, and had it arranged 
in place. My paper, too, had already 
come to hand, as before mentioned. In 
short, I was ready to resume work on the 
typographical department of the paper. 
Sitting in my sanctum, as in the preced- 
ing incident, preparing matter for publi- 
cation, I heard a loud call at the door: 

" Brown, O, Brown." 

I stepped quickly to the door, and saw 
a tall, lank, awkward looking figure of 
the genus Jiomo, sitting astride a fine 
horse, at the same time leading sixteen 
others , which were tied together by twos, 
then a long rope passing between them to 
which each pair of horses were fastened. 
The following colloquy ensued : 

"Why, G," (I shall use only the ini- 
tial, for reasons which appear in the 
sequel,) "is that you? I am so glad to 
see you," reaching up and shaking him 
by the hand. "Where have you been 
through the summer?" 

"Well, lying around loose." 

"I have frequently thought of you, and 
wondered why you did not put in an ap- 
pearance. Everything is now in working 
order, and I am short of typos. I wish 
you to go to work immediately." 

"I would like to -jblige you, Mr. Brown, 
but I can't do it. Got something better." 

"How is that?" 

♦ 'Why, I have this stock to dispose of. 

Gov. Geary seems hell bent on tranquiU 

izing things, and I am going to 'git' as 

fast as I can with this stock out of the 



Territory, and let him tranquilize." *c 

"Where in tlic world did you get those 
horses?'" 

"Tliey are reprisals which I have made 
for my last summer's work." 

With a cordial shake, and " good bye," 
I saw G. for the last time riding hurried- 
ly towards the ferry. 

Fourteen years after I was at Ful- 
ton, Illinois, and in conversation 
with the publisher of the Journal, 
learned that it was established 
by himself and G., I think in the spring 
of 1857. As he mentioned the name, it 
being an odd one, I stated the above 
facts, with a description of G.'s person, 
and that he was a native Hoosier. 

"You have described him accurately. 
He is the same person. I well remember 
his frequent mention of those borce 
troubles in Kansas." 

"Had he any money to start with?" 

"Yes, probably the proceeds of the sale 
of those horses." 

"What has become of him?" 

"I bought him out. He got religion, 
joined the Baptist church, and is now 
preaching over in Iowa." 

"The Devil he is," is all I could re- 
spond. "And the proceeds of the stolen 
horses was the capital he commenced the 
ministry with." 

Should this meet Rev. Mr. G.'s eye, he 
need not distress himself, for I shall not 
give the residue of the letters which 
spell liis rather homely name, and Itrust 
my friend Mr. Whitcomb will not. Noth- 
ing short of an inquisitorial rack, or 
thumb- screw, at least, shall wring them 
from me; and I know Mr. Booth, late of 
the Fulton Journal, will not expose him, 
because he is a member of the same 
church- 

BREWEKTON. 

Again a rap at the door of the sanctum, 
to which I responded. It could not have 



REMINISCENCES OF OLD JOHN BROWN. 



45 



varied many days either way from the 
two preceding cases. 

In stepped a rather pleasant looking, 
gentlemanly appearing person, some 
thirty years of age, and extended his 
hand, I said : 

"You have the advantage of me." 

"Don't you remember Brewerton, of 
the N. Y. Heraldr 

"Yes, very well, you d — d scoundrel, 
and you get out of here this instant." 

Standing back, as if perfectly shocked, 
he exclaimed : 

"What does this mean." 

"It means sir, that you are the d — d 
scoundrel who came to my room, at the 
Harris House, in Westport, with a lot of 
Southern desperadoes, while I was a 
prisoner in the hands of a mob, who ex- 
hibited a letter they represented they had 
taken from the carpet bag of some person 
from Lawrence, whom they claimed to 
have captured, revealing a plot to rescue 
me from them, and when I told them it 
was a forgery, put up by some person of 
evil intent, you, like the d — d scoundrel 
you are, labored to convince me and them 
that it was genuine, when you knew it 
was only a pretext, they were seeking, 
to take me out and shoot me, as they had 
repeatedly told me they would do to pre- 
vent a rescue."^ 

"But, you know I was suspected, as 
a Northern man, and had to work 
my card very adroitly to keep on good 
terms with them, and save my own life, 
during that period of great excitement." 

"Yes, you played the scoundrel and 
sneak to divert attention from yourself, 
and I want you to leave this office in- 
stantly." 

"But I am not accustomed to being 
talked to in this manner. I was formerly 
a midshipman in the United Sta'^es 
Navy." J 

"The greater reason why you should 



have been a gentleman. Git!'''' 

And he got. 

Reader, I always despised profane lan- 
guage and made it an invariable rule to 
discharge from my employ any workman 
accustomed to its use, or who was intem- 
IDcrate in the use of spirituous liquors, but 
in this case please remember our "Uncle 
Toby, in Flanders," who used to 
swear enormously big oaths while there, 
but when the recording angel had writ- 
ten down the words, and remembered the 
great occasion which called them forth, 
according to Sterne, he dropped a tear 
upon the record, and wijied it out for- 
ever. I trust he did so on the above oc- 
casion. 

And then we have a somewhat analo- 
gous case with Uncle Toby's, which, with 
the reader's permission, I will offer in 
further extenuation. It was told me 
by a clergyman for the truth, and of 
course it is so. 

Late in the autumn of 1854, so ran the 
story, an eastern settler, whom we will 
call Mallory, was engaged with his oxen 
in doing some labor just out of Lawrence. 
A clergyman riding past interrupted the 
laborer with : 

"Good morning, Mr. Mallory." 

"Good morning, Elder, I am glad to 
see you." 

"But I was not aware until this morn- 
ing that you were a profane man." 

"I am not, I never swear. My parents, 
were pious people, and they gave me a 
pious education. I always despised the 
practice of profane swearing." 

"You surprise me, Mr. Mallory. lean- 
not understand it. As I came up I 
thought I never heard a person swear so 
wickedly as you were doing." 

"Oh, no, Elder, your ears have de- 
ceived you. I never swear." 

'How could I be so deceived?" 

"Why, what in the world could I have 



RE^IIXISCE^X'ES OF OLD JOHN BROWN. 



said that you have mistaken it for pro- 
fanity?" 

"You were directing your remarks to 
the oxen." 

"Oh, oh, Elder, I understand you now. 
The truth is, I bouf!;ht these cattle down 
in Missouri, and I was only addressing 
language to them they would under- 
stand." 

It is hoped the people of Lawrence 
have ceased to buy Missouri cattle; and 
if Brewerton never intrudes himself again 
on my premises, I will try and never use 
such emphatic terms again. 

A FIRST CLASS BORE. ^ 

Bores are frequent attendants in a 
newspaper office. They thoughtlessly 
trespass on the time and patience of the 
editor, when he is preparing important 
matter for the press, delay the printers, 
by forcing them to wait for copy, and 
annoy him in all soits of ways. I have 
a case of this character, which the reader 
will allow me to narrate, for the benefit 
of the press, which, certainly is applic- 
able to our title of a "Thrilling Incident 
of Border Life." 

It was DLCcmber, 6th 1856. Theday 
was rather cheerless. Moist snow was 
falling in large flakes, melting nearly as 
Soon as it reached the ground. 

I was seated in my sauctum, as usual, 
hard at work, writing editorials for my 
paper, which then had a circulation bor- 
dering closely on 8,0C0. I had no assist- 
ant, and often wrote from ten to sixteen 
columns of matter each week, besides 
conducting a heavy business correspond- 
ence. To do this vast amount of labor I 
was compelled to be wholly alone. My 
clerks were instructed to allow no person 
to pass through tiieir room into mine, un- 
less it was a case of the greatest import- 
ance. 

Tlie siinctura was a beautiful room, in 
tiie middle of the building, on the sec- 
ond floor, tiixteeu f^ct fcquare, high 



oiling, well lighted, the floor carpeted, 
two fine book cases well filled, pictures 
on the wall, a large round table in the 
center of the room, and a beautifully or- 
namented stove, which I took great pride 
in keeping nicely polished. In one C( r- 
ner of the room was a little trap door, 
probably 12 by 20 inches, a series of 
them extending through the building (o 
the roof, to be used in cases of emergency. 
These traps gave direct access to the 
workmen, either on the first oi third 
floor. The typos were above, and through 
the trap the foreman received his copy. 

I was seated at my table, in the midst 
of a heavy article, laboring to show that 
tranquility was fully restored to Kansas; 
that the golden age had really dawned; 
that the lost Eden was found; our gorg- 
eous prairies were teeming with houey 
and wine; and was telling everybody and 
his wife to come right there, by first 
steamer up the Missouri, and enjoy thia 
newly-discovered Paradise, wher I was 
interrupted by an attempt to enter at the 
door, which was fastened. I was in an 
unusual hurry, behind with copy, and a 
long train of thought, which I wished to 
get on paper, before it should take wings 
and fly away, as my best always does. 

Two or three clerks, among whom, by 
the way, was John E. Cook, an accom- 
plished penman, who was hung with old 
John Brown, at Harper's Ferry, were 
hard at work arranging subscription 
books in the business office, so I resolved 
I would not be interrupted. 

But the door was shook again, followed 
by three raps, the sesame which had been 
agreed upon with the clerks to ope" the 
door. 

Impatient with the annoyance, I passed 
to the door and opened it, when in 
stepped a gentleman of probably o5 years 
of age, heavy set, wearing a slouch hat, 
face unshaven for a week, with the gen- 
eral air of a man that had his own nuliou 



REMINISCENCES OF OLD JOHN BROWN. 



47 



of tilings, au(.l cared but little what oth- 
ers thought about it. 

I passed him a chair, in front of the 
warm stove, made some remarks about 
the weather, when the following colloquy 
ensued: 

" Rather an unpleasant day to travel. " 

"Quite." 

" You have just arrived in the Terri- 
tory?" 

" Yes." 

"Do you come to locate with us?" 

" Yes." 

" What State are you from?" 

" Indiana." 

"How are you pleased with Kansas?" 

" Well." 

Here the trap was raised, and the fore- 
man called, ''Copy." 

" Excuse me a few minutes, I have an 
article well under way, which I will soon 
finish." 

The trap was let down, when I dipped 
my pen, already between my fingers, in 
the ink, and remarked: 

" I am yery much pressed to supply 
copy as fast as needed, as my pap^r is 
almost wholly original." 

Again T dipped my pen in the ink, as 
if to write, but my thoughts were gone. 
To add to my grief, my visitor took from 
his pocket a case of tobacco, extracted a 
quid, and commenced chewing, and soon 
after made a target of my beautiful stove. 
The door was open in front, exposing a 
'glowing fire. _ He evidently aimed to hit 
the opening; but in spite of his skill in 
that direction he would frequently miss, 
then a hiss, accompanied by a foul odor, 
and a soiled place was exposed. 

I tried to draw my visitor out, and 
learn the object of his call, but could 
not. Everything I said, or inquiry made, 
was answered with a monosyllable. 

Up again, every few minutes, would fly 
the trap, and down would come the cry 
of "Copy ! We are all out of copy." 



The pen wotild be again loaded, but 
the thoughts were on the bove, and I 
could not write. To demand his busi- 
ness seemed impolite, and what to do 
was the conundrum I did not know 
how to solve. Dear reader, were you ever 
similarly afflicted? 

Then it seemed an age. Looking back 
upon the events, and recalling the vexa- 
tion I experienced at the abuse my stove 
was receiving, when I had long ago 
pushed a spittoon to my visitor's feet, to 
which he paid no attention, it is a wonder 
that I did not make a slight draft on 
Mallory's language to the oxen to help 
me out. 

When my patience was nearly exhaust- 
ed, and I was studying what to say to 
get rid ot the intruder, to relieve the 
monotony, he arose, looked at the 
pictures on the wall, read my cer- 
tificate of membership in the Grand 
Division Sons of Temj)erance, as also 
of the Grand Temple of Honor of Penn- 
sylvania. Then coming to the table, 
with both hands on it, leaning over 
towards me, he inquiied: 

"Have yua any subscribers at Ceutre- 
ville, Indiana?" 

"I think so." 

"Who arc they?" 

I stepped to the business room, called 
for my Indiana subscription book, opened 
to Centreville, and read a handsome list 
of names. 

"Put down — " 

I did so. 

"Put down — " 

"Put down — " 

And so he continued, I following di- 
rections until I had added some eighteen 
names. 

"Put down the number on a slip of 
paper. Have you any subscribers at Ce- 
darville?" 

"Yes." 

"Who are they?" 



4.S 



KEMINISCENCES OF OLD JOHN BROWN. 



And thus on from one place to another, 
each with a long list, until I had entered 
an even ninety names. 

"How much do you want for them?" 

"One hundred and thirty-five dollars 
I furnish them all to you at my lowest 
club rates." 

He drew from his pocket a bag of coin, 
and counted out $135 in gold, which I 
trai sterred to my safe, thinking to myself 
as I did so : 

"You may spit on my stove just as 
m ch as you dum please." 

) I then inquired his name. He gave i*. 
as Dr.Jas.G.Blunt. He was afterward Maj. 
General, in the war of the rebellion, and 
I had the pleasure of telling Col.Thomas 
Moonlight, now of Leavenworth, the 
above fact8,in the presence of Gen. Blunt 
and seveial members of his staff. 

I suppose my journalistic friends will 
call the General a "First Class Bore." 
I "Wliile recently in Kansas, I learned 
with much sadness, that Gen. Blunt is at 
this time an inmate of an insane asylum, 
I think at Washington. 

THE LETTER WRITERS. 

Having had frequent occasion to refer 
to, or quote from the professional letter 
writers of Kansas, it may not be improper 
to give a few passing lines to them, be- 
fore we return to the "Liberator." Many 
of the names of these gentlemen have 
escaped me. The most prominent were 
Jas. Redpath, Wm. Phillips, Richard 
Haelf, Richard J. Hinton, J . H Kagi and 
John E. Cook. There were others, as A. 
D. Richardson, Capt. H., previously men- 
tioned, S. F. Tappan, Mr. Russel, etc. 
The first four names were foreigners, and 
nearly all were in sympathy with old 
John Brown, and acted as apologists, and 
vindicators of him. 

Redpath made his nrst appearance in 
Kansas, in June, 1855. For a time he 
made his headquarters at the Herald of 
Freedom office, and I saw and knew much 



of him. He was ambitious to secure a 
position as reporter of the Bogus Legis- 
lature, which assembled at Pawnee on 
the 2nd of July, 1855, and was suc- 
cessful. He failed, for some reason, to 
give satisfaction, and was discharged, af- 
ter the removal of that body to the 
Shawnee Mission. He claimed to have 
traveled all over the South, mostly on foot, 
spending much of his time among the 
slaves. As a correspondent he was wholly 
unreliable, drawing so largely on ^ his 
imagination that it was difficult to dis- 
tinguish the truth from falsehood. He 
was a violent Northern secessionist in 
feeling, and all his energies seemed di- 
re(!ted to involve the extremes of the Re- 
public in a bloody collision. He es- 
tablished a paper at Doniphan, under the 
auspices of Gen. Lane, but they soon fell 
out, and he left the Territory in disgust, 
and engaged in the Haytian emigration 
business. To aid the enterprise he pub- 
lished a paper at Boston, entitled the 
Palm and Pine, from which I have 
already copied. He is now the recog- 
nized head of the Boston Literary Bureau. 
He recently disappeared mysteriously 
from New York, but in due time turned 
up in San Francisco. 

Mr. Phillips was sent to Kansas as the 
special correspondent of the New York 
Tribune, in the summer or autumn of 
1855. He was a man of fine ability, de- 
signed to write nothing but the truth, and 
had many excellent qualifications of head 
and heart. He placed too mucli confidence 
in the reports of his associates; frequently 
magnified molehills into mountains; and 
was an extreme partizan with a tendency 
toward the John Brown school. Instead 
of encournging Northern emigration, his 
published articles were always iugui)nous 
and lacking in hope and confidence in 
the final result. 

Richard Raelf came to Kansas, over- 
land, through Iowa, in the fall of 185G, 



REMINISCENCES OF OLD JOHN BROWN. 



49 



reaching Lawrence -with the Eldridgc 
party, some time about the middle of 
October. Raelf represented himself as 
an adopted son of Lady Byron ; claimed 
to have had some trouble with her; came 
to New York, and engaged as an assistant 
to Mr Pease, in the House of Industry, 
belonging to the Five Point's Mission. 
Thence he drifted to Kansas. He was 
"something of a poet," an enthusiastic 
admirer of old John Brown, an advocate 
of the fighting policy, but was not a suc- 
cess as a correspondent. He suicided last 
year in San Francisco. 

Hiuton, like Redpath, Philips and 
Raelf, was an Englishman. He came to 
Kansas with the same party with Raelf, 
in October, 1856. He obtained a situa- 
tion as typo, in the Herald of Freedom 
otlice, but "was wholly incompetent as a 
compositor, being paid by the thousand, 
his wages rarely or never exceeded $3 50 
a week,when good workmen made $12 to 
$15 a week. He was transferred to 
the position of assistant clerk, and 
thence joined the letter-writing fraternity. 

Cook, too, was an employe for some 
three months in the Herald of Freedom 
office; was engaged principally in copy- 
ing subscription books; making indexes; 
and entering lists of new subscribers. 
Jle came to Kansas in the spring of 1856, 
from Indiana, and joined Lenhart and 
others in a sort of guerilla warfare 
through that summer. He fell into the 
embraces of old John Brown, and died 
on the gallows a few days after the "Lib- 
erator." He was a man of generous im- 
pulses, and, in peaceful times, and oth- 
er surroundings would have made a 
worthy citizen. An anonymous writer, 
since these articles were in course of pub- 
lication, wrote me that he lacked bravery. 

Kagi I never saw but once, and then 
was favorably impressed with his appear- 
ance. He was correspondent for the 
National Era, at Washington, a very 



worthy, high-toned. Free Soil paper. He 
was Captain Brown's Secretary of War, 
and was killed at Harper's Ferry. He 
became known in Kansas principally by 
a personal uucounter with Judge Elmore, 
at Tecumseh. 

These young men, inexperienced in 
practical lite, imbued with the wildest 
romance, and seeking to involve the 
Government in revolution, writing under 
nom de plumes^ and flooding the country 
with sensational letters, in too many in- 
stances wholly devoid of truth, gave a 
false coloring to history, whith will 
probably impress it for years, if not lor 
all time. Take the "Life of John Brown," 
written by one of them, for illustration : 
I have shown conclusively that the pro- 
duction is in no way reliable; that the 
entire work was a eulogy published in the 
interest oi John Brown's family, with 
everything objectionable in his character 
carefully omitted, or heavily gilded; and 
yet so worthy and enduring a work as 
"The American Cyclopedia," in its arti- 
cle on Old John Brown, has only greatly 
abridged Redpath's book, without adding 
a single additional statement. Probably 
the Encyclopedia Britanica borrows its 
article, in substance, from the American. 
French and German publications will fol- 
low, while other nations will copy, and 
thus is realized the truth of that maxim: 
"Falsehood will travel a league while 
Truth is putting on his boots to join in 
pursuit." 

Sensational writers, endorsing each 
other, gave coloring to everything they 
attempted. Genuine merit was ob- 
scured and real worth was passed with- 
out mention; tinsel was thrown over 
their heroes, whilst their meritorious 
works were magnified many times, and 
their vices and crimes concealed. Thus 
left, the future historian has a herculean 
task before him, else an admiring gener- 
ation will convert these heroes of an idle 



w 



REMINISCENCES OF OLD JOHN BROWN. 



braiu into gods for narrow minds to wor- 
ship. 

Exeunt, the letter writers. 

JOHN brown's cabin — A FRAUD. 

Hon. James Hanway, of Lane, Frank- 
lin Co., Kansas, at the Old Settlers' Con- 
vention, at Bismark Grove,near Lawrence, 
on the 15th and 1 6th of September, 1879, 
siiid, from the public stand, that he 
wished to make a correction in regard to 
old John Brown, because it was due to 
history, lie then said a photographer 
had taken a picture of an old log cabin, 
•which he had erected on his place at an 
early day, for preemption purposes, but 
had long been unoccupied. After the 
picture was complete the artist inquired 
what he should call it. 

" Well, old John Brown used to visit 
me quite frequently, while we lived in 
the cabin, suppose we call it the 'John 
Brown Cabin.' " 

Agreeal)ly to the suggestion. Judge 
TIanway said, the picture was so named, 
and the artist went away with it. A lit- 
tle time alter he saw an engraved illus- 
tration of the cabin, in a Kansas City 
paper.and published as the veritable John 
Brown's Cabin. At the Philadelphia 
Centennial, the old gentleman added, 
there were thousands of this fraud dis- 
posed of to the credulous, at high figures, 
■who wanted some relic of their hero. 
*' But John Brown," he continued, "never 
owned a cabin nor any land in Kansas." 
In the first biennial report of the State 
Board of Agriculture of Kansas, a beau- 
tifully executed volume of 633 pages 
printed on heavy paper, and finely illus- 
trated, we find a wood cut of this cabin 
fraud, so characteristic of many other 
events Brown's eulogists have falsely 
heapea upon him, for the historian to 
correct, underneath which is printed 
" John Brown's Cabin, in southwestern 
part of Franklin county, near 0«awot- 



omie, Miami Co., (from a photograph by 
A. W. Barker.)" 

Gov. Anthony aided and abetted in ex 
tending and perpetuating this frau*, by 
sending a copy of the engraving to a 
Subscription Club in Paris, France. He 
says : "With this I hand you an engrav- 
ing of 'John Brown's Cabin,' still stand- 
ing, as it did when it domiciled the old 
hero during his residence in Kansas." 

This fact shows how myths are made. 
That cabin will be as immortal as the 
apple in the mythical story of Wm. Tell. 
Are all our histories of prominent per- 
sonages as devoid of truth as are those of 
old John Brown? 



THE HOME OP JOHN BROWN. 

From the same piece with the "Cabin 
Fraud" comes a statement as late as 
November 12, 1879, from the present 
Governor of Kansas, John P. St John, a 
very excellent gentleman, by the way, 
who telegraphed the Chicago Daily JS^acs, 
as the Governor said, from "The lionie of 
Old John Brown." 

Seven cities claimed to be the birth- 
place of Homer; but it is difficult to 
understand how it is possible for any 
person, while living, to have two "homes" 
at the same time. "Home," in law and 
fact, is the place where a person is dom- 
iciled. Domicile is a place of ■permanent 
residence. That place is where the fam 
ily resides. From John Brown's first en- 
trance into Kansas, in the fall of 1855, to 
the time of his execution, December 2d, 
1859, his family was on his farm at 
North Elba, New York, and th. re, 
in the writer's natal county of Essex, 
among the Adirondac mountains, where 
he was born, rests in tranquility the 
bones of the "Liberator." Far be it from 
me to disturb his repose, or wrest from 
his fame a single well-earned laurel; but 
I am laboring to brush away the false in 
history, which his eulogists have thrown 



REMIXISCENCES OF OLD .JOHN BfiOWN. 



around him, in many instances robbed 
from those better entitled to wear the 
garland than he. 

A GLANXE IN PASSING. 

Many of the most interesting pages in 
Kansas history, when correctly and fully 
written, will be those describing the in- 
tervening events between the autumn of 
1856, and November, 1857. The period 
embraces the whole of Gov. Geary's ad- 
ministration, extending through six 
months; of Secretary Stanton's term, as 
Acting Governor, for one month ; and 
about six months of Gov. "Walker's ad- 
ministration. 

-The correspondents and "fighting men," 
made a continual warfare on these gen- 
tlemen; but they were, nevertheless, very 
worthy persons, and came to Kansas with 
a sincere desire to* do justlf by all 
parties. They were hampered by instruc- 
tions issued by the State Department at 
"Washington, and were trequently embar- 
assedwith interferences by co-ordinate de- 
partments ot government. Each employed 
all his power to correct abuses, and con- 
tinually labored with the President in 
that direction, but was unsuccessful. 

The President was under the influence 
of Jefferson Davis, the man of "evil 
destiny," who seemed to have Kansas 
affairs in his keeping, and whose great 
ambition was to make it a slave State. 

"When Gov. Geary saw he could not be 
permitted to right our wrongs, he re- 
signed, and left the Territory ; but his in- 
fluence for free Kansas did not end here. 
After Gov. "Walker's appointment he paid 
that functionary a visit, and made known 
to him the outrages which had been per- 
petrated on the Free State settlers, by 
Missouri and the South, and placed him 
in rapport with influential Free State 
men in Kansas, who wielded valuable in- 
fluence over him during his whole term 
of oiBce. 

"When Gov. "Walker found that nis 



instructions would not permit a faithful 
discharge of his duties to the citizens, 
he visited Washington in person, and 
labored with the President to get his in- 
structions changed; failing, he, too, re- 
signed. 

Secretary Stanton, who again became 
Acting Governor, also attempted to assist 
the real settlers, but was immediately 
sacrificed to placate the South, and was 
removed by the President. 

Each of the Governors were violently 
denounced by the Bohemians of tlie 
press, and with Gov. "Walker, it required 
great effort to prevent his being driven 
into extreme measures, by their false, 
abusive and violent denunciations of 
him. 

Each of these Governors, on leaving the 
Territory, became indentified with the 
friends of free Kansas. Gov. Geary 
served his country with gallantry in the 
war of the rebellion, and was made Gov- 
ernor of Pennsylvania.by the Republican 
party, discharging his duties faithfully 
and satisfactorily to all. Gov. Walker 
was sent by President Lincoln, on a se- 
cret and very important mission to Eng- 
land, during the rebellion, and received 
therefor the highest commendation of the 
Martyr President. These facts show that 
however greatly they were misunderstood 
the time, in Kansas, their impulses were 
leading them in a proper direction. ' 

The writer had special opportunities of 
information in regard to the ofiicial con- 
duct of each of these gentlemen; and he 
believes it a duty he owes to impartial 
history, some day, to give that knowl- 
edge to the public. 

In my next I shall resume John 
Brown's connection with Kansas affairs, 
and hurry these Reminiscences to a close, 
stopping by the way, to correct any er- 
ros, pointed out by critics, which, lapse 
of years, or defective information has 'ed 
me into. Each person who has or may 



52 



REMINISCENCES OF OLD JOHN BROWN. 



point out any discrepancy between my 
Btatements and facts will please accept 
my cordial thanks. 

RETUKN TO KANSAS. 

During this long period, from about 
the middle of September, 1856, to No- 
vember, 1857, old John Brown has been 
laboring in the Eastern States, soliciting 
funds to arm a body ot men to return to 
Kansas, and make reprisals in Missouri. 
As before stated, he contracted in Col- 
linsville. Conn., for one thousand pikes, 
to be "fixed to the end of a pole, about 
six feet long," which he told the manu- 
facturer he proposed "to place in the 
hands of the settlers in Kansas, to keep 
in their cabins, to defend themselves 
against 'border ruffians and wild beasts.' " 
This was his ostensible object. His real 
object was to place these rude instru- 
ments, which only required physical 
force to wield them, in the hands of slaves 
in Missouri. 

In August, 1857, Capt Brown, with a 
small party, reached Tabor, near the 
south-western corner of Iowa, where he 
remained inactive until the 2d of Novem- 
ber, when, with one of his sons, he set 
out with his own conveyance for Kansas. 

We find him a few days after in coun- 
cil with various parties in the vicinity of 
Lawrence. His stay in that vicinity 
was quite brief, limited to about three 
days. He seems to have enlisted John 
E. Cook, Richard Eaelf and L. F. Par- 
sons in his enterprise on this trip. Red- 
path was already co-operating, and Hin- 
ton, according to Cook, was to Lave 
joined the adventure. The Captain re- 
turned by way of Topeka, to Nebraska, 
thence to liis place of general rendezvous, 
at Taljor. 

Why tlie Captain made so brief a stay 
in ICniisas is not apparent. Probably he 
was disappointed in finding that the 
"Voting Policy,'- as distinguished from 
the "Fighting Policy," had prevailed. 



Certain it is, the Free State party, 
through the faithfulness of Gov. Walker 
to public and private pledges, had con- 
trol of both houses of the Legislative 
Assembly of the Territory, and had se- 
cured the certificate of election for their 
Delegate in Congress. This matter hung 
in doubt for a time, and the Bohemians 
of the press were almost positive in their 
statements that Gov. "Walker and Secre- 
tary Stanton would play false to *heir 
pledges. 

It is possible the Captain's movement 
was inspired Kansasward at that time, 
with a bloody project in view. It was 
certainly fortunate for the tranquility of 
the Territory that he was detained in 
Iowa, from the 7th of August to the 2d 
of November "for the want of funds," as 
his biographer states, for it is very prob- 
able a renewal of strife was saved by tlie 
event. 

I have one of the most exciting chap- 
ters in Kansas history, to detail, sometime, 
which occurred during this interesting 
period, and which may partially explain 
John Brown's reasons for hovering on 
the borders of Kansas during this inter- 
val. To introduce it in these pages 
would require the introduction of other 
characters, which are not at present the 
subjects of inquiry, hence an account of 
it is reserved for another occasion. 

Each movement of the Captain, until 
his visit in November to Lawrence, 
looked towards a renewal of the strife by 
him on the Kansas border. He had bid 
"farewell" to New England in April, 
1857; had an engagement with Col. 
Hugh Forbes to meet him at Tabor in 
June to instruct a number of young 
Kansas men in military tactics; in May 
he was journeying in that direction. On 
July 4th he left Cleveland, O., for Iowa 
City. Reached Tabor on the 7th of 
August. Was joined by his "drill 
master" on the 9th. He had quite a little 



REMINISCENCES OF OLD JOHN BROWN. 



53 



party with him at this time. He visited 
Lawrence in November, as we have just 
seen, taking one son with him, and leav- 
ing two others at Tabor. He called on 
E. B. Whitman, living a few miles west 
of Lawrence. On reaching Topeka, en 
route back to Tabor, he told Cook that 
the party "were to leave Kansas to attend 
a military school during the winter; and 
that it was the intention to go lo Ashta- 
bula County, Ohio." 

^ow it seems there was a sudden 
..-Qange in the "Liberator's" mind. Here is 
a back step, and an explanation as to the 
cause is required. On his return to Tabor 
he communicated to his followers that 
Harper's Ferry would be the point of at- 
tack. 

Did the Captain call on Gov. Robinson 
while in Lawrence? What was the 
character of their interview? Did that 
interview have anything to do with hie 
change of base, and las precipitate re- 
treat? I have written the Goyernor for 
information in this direction, and hope to 
receive his answer in time for the next 
number of the series. 

AN IMPORTANT LETTER. 

I wrote Gov. Robinson recently, as 
stated in the previous article, recalling a 
conversation between us twenty years 
ago, in regard to an interview between 
him and Old John Brown, and wished the 
facts for publication. He hesitated to 
furnish a statement, but with the assur- 
ance that I should repeat it according to 
my recollections, which would possibly 
b/ing him before the public in reply, he 
Bent me the following, which has just 
reached me in time for this place. 
Whether that interview was had on. the 
occasion of the Captain's visit to Law- 
rence, in November, 1857, when his 
whole plan of operations seemed so sud- 
denly changed, or a year later, at the 
close of the troubles in Linn and Bour- 
bon Counties, is not apparent. From 



some facts in my possession I am led lu 
think it occurred on the occasion of this 
visit, for the Governor saw clearly the 
end of civil strife at tliat time, aniii., like 
other permanent settlers who desired to 
see order substituted for anarchy, was 
laboring to bring about an era of peace. 
It is possible the Captain's mission was 
in pursuit of money with which to pro- 
long the agitation, and which the Gov- 
ernor thought best to withhold from hira, 
at the same time suggesting very good 
reasons for so doing. But these, the 
reader will understand, are my own de- 
ductions. The letter is as follows: / 

Laavrence, Kan., Nov. 24, 1879. 

Geo. W. Brown, M. D. — Dear Sir: — 
Your favor asking for an account of my 
interview with John Brown, as he left 
the Territory of Kansas, is received. The 
particulars of the conversation I cannot 
give, as I made no memoranda at the 
time. The interview was very friendly, 
and a frank review was had of the two 
lines of policy pursued in Kansas, name- 
ly, his policy of involvinir the North and 
South in a war; and our Free State pol- 
icy of surrounding the slave States with 
free, and securing the Federal as well as 
State governments on the side oi' free- 
dom. 

He frankly admitted that from my 
standpoint we had acted wisely, and had 
succeeded; but from his standpoint, so 
far as aiding the cause of emancipation, 
it was a failure. But as his presence here 
would be a source of annoyance, and do 
no good, he would seek another field of 
operations, but did not say where. 

It may not be generally known that I 
was authorized to draw on a person in 
Boston, for money to support .John Brown 
in Kansas, if I thought his presence 
beneficial to the Free State cause. I had 
written this person that I thought his 
presence a hindrance rather than a help 
at that time. Probably Mr. Brown had 
been so informed. It is possible, that 
Amos A. Lawrence can tell where the 
letter can be found. 

I notice in Redpath's book, he repre- 
sents Mr. Brown as speaking very con- 
temptuously of the Free State men in 
general, and of myself in particular. If 



REMINISCENCES OF OLD JOHN BROWN. 



BO he was very hypocritical, as iu my pits 
ence he was always most respectful, an. I 
appeared to give Free State men credit 
for acting honestly and efficiently, al- 
though not to suit him or his policy. 

Very truly, C. Robinson. 

Whether this interview was in the au- 
tumn of 1857 or 1858, is not important to 
these inquiries. It shows how the Gov- 
ernor regarded the prolongation of civil 
strife, and how sincerely desirous he Mas 
to end it. And it gives us, in his own 
words, what he thought of John Brown's 
services in Kansas as an auxiliary in the 
cause of freedom. 

"KANSAS TOO HOT FOll HIM " 

Another interesting period iu Kansas 
history is passed, lying between the mid- 
dle of November, 1857, to the last of 
June, 1858, when our hero again appears 
upon the scene. There had been more 
or less difficulty for soipe months, in 
southern Kansas, growipv out of conflict- 
ing land titles between Free State and 
pro-slavery men. This led to aggressive 
acts on the part of each of the contending 
factions. 

"* party of armed pro-slavery ruffians, 
/metime in June, 1858, under the lead- 
ership of one Hamiltoi, visited a Free 
State neighborhood, and gathered one by 
one, eleven citizens, marched them into a 
deep ravine, formed them into line, and 
fired upon them. They all fell to the 
ground, five were instantly killed, five 
were seriously wounded, and one escaped 
unharmed. 

An intense excitement justly lollowed 
this bloody procedure. The whole 
country was on tire. Capt Brown was in 
the States at the time, liad just made ar- 
rangements for the completion of his 
pikes in Connecticut, and for their ship- 
3ient to Chambersburgh, Pa., on their way 
to Virginia. He again hurried to Kan- 
sas, taking his faithful Kagi with him. 
According to Redpath, one of the mo- 
tives which prompted Captain Brown to 



return to Kansas, at this time, was to di- 
vert attention from his Harper's Ferry 
project. On his return to Iowa, in '5?, 
from Lawrence, he had freely communi- 
cated to Col. Forbes, his drill master, hia 
changed plan of operations. During the 
winter they fell out, and Forbes left for 
the East. The Captain was fearful that 
the Colonel would communicate to the 
government his plan of operating in Vir- 
ginia.hence his appearance in Kansas,the 
Marias des Cygnes massacre furnishing 
an excuse, to disguise his real purpose. 
From that tin^e until the close ot 
1858, civil strife, with all its horrors, 
raged in the counties of Linn and Bour- 
bon, which bordered on Missouri. 

Neighbor was arrayed against neigh- 
bor, and each party sought the destruc- 
tion of the other. Conservative Free 
State men and pro-slavery men united 
and tried to allay the excitement. The 
result was their being indiscriminately 
pillaged by each party. Crimination 
and re-crimination was the order of the 
day. Though the disturbance was origi 
nally began by the pro-slavery agitators, 
the violence of Hamilton met with earn- 
est hostility from his own party friends. 
and many joined the conservative Free 
State men in trying to suppress tiie 
discord. 

The reader would not be interested in 
a reviewal and detailed history of these 
exciting times. And I am frank to own 
that I have not the requisite knowledge 
to a clear exposition of them. Noithnr 
can I tell what important part John 
Brown played in them, other than lie was 
assocated with the extreme Free Stale 
men in making reprisals from tht; (ippos- 
ing factions. 

Tiie Herald of Freedom was regularlv 
issued during this period, and correspon- 
dents were continuijly reporting tlie 
condition of afl"airs, l-nf, thu ,t;it'Miu iits 



iiEMINISCENOES OF OLD JOHN BROTTN. 



«5 



were so couflicting that it seemed almost 
impossible to arrive at the truth. 

It was during this period that the 
"Jayhawking" fraternity sjirang into be- 
iuir, and such men as Quautrell, who at 
tliat time was recognized as a Free State 
man, coming originally from Ohio, was 
educated for the terrible work he was 
afterwards guilty of, in leading a large 
party, [I was about to say five 
hundred, but apprehensive that John 
Speer, or some other critic, had counted 
them, and found there were but four 
hundred and ninety-nine, I have con- 
cluded to be extremely cautious,] of 
Buhwhackers into Lawrence, and shoot- 
ing down in cold blood one hundred and 
eighty citizens,robbed the banks, pillaged 
the town, and burned the best portion of it, 
leaving ruin, desolation and death every- 
where. It was a fearful school, and the 
CDUsequences were not limited to a few 
years, nor confined to Kansas. 

Brown made repeated raids into Mis- 
souri captured horses, "blooded stock," 
ran off" slaves, and made his name a ter- 
ror through all that region. The Gov- 
ernor of Missouri ofi'ered a reward of 
^8,U00 for his apprehension, and made a 
requisition on the Governor of Kansas 
for his arrest and extradition as a fugi- 
tive from justice. President Buchanan 
added to the reward. 

Gov. Denver, some time during this 
agitation, called to his aid Gov. Eobin- 
6on, who had the confidence of the Free 
State men, and they, in company, visited 
the infected region, held public meetings, 
and labored with their respective friends 
to restore tranquility to the disturbed 
country. The United States District 
Court, Juilge Elmore presiding, impan- 
eled a Grand Jury, and subpa'naed a 
bundred or more witnesses, and called 
ihem to Lawrence to give evidence with 
a vit-w to indictments. 

While the Court was yet in session, the 



Legislature passed a general amuobtj 
law; the Grand Jury was discharged; tho 
witnesses returned to their homes; and 
quiet was restored to the convulsed 
border. 

'1 he American Cyclopedia says : —"Not 
only was a reward ofi'ered for Brown's ar- 
rest, but the more moderate Free State men 
Jiastened to dinavow any sympathy icitJi his 
during acts. The Territory became too 
HOT FOR HIM, and he started, early in 
January, 1859, for the North, accom- 
panied by'four white companions and the 
liberated negroes." 

Since then, save the troubles growing 
out of the rebellion, and the excesses 
produced by bad men educated to deeds 
of violence in these exciting times, many 
of whom, it is presumed, have paid the 
penalty for their wrongs in the peniten- 
tiary, and an occasional Indian scare on 
the "Western border, general tranquility 
has prevailed throughout Kansas. The 
Lecompton Constitution was defeated; a 
State Constitution, by the honest settlers, 
was made, and the new State indue time 
became a member of the Federal Union 
with the motto on its seal of "■Ad astra 
per aspera,^'' [To the Stars through diffi- 
culties,] and the future prosperity oi" the 
State was secured. 

EXAGGERATIONS OF HI"? EULOGIST;?. 

The eastern press, and the eulogists oi 
John Brown, were not t:-;utent to make 
him a model hero, in almost every direc- 
tion, but they gave him credit for fight- 
ing bravery where battles were never 
fought: they made him a leader where he 
did not command ; they represented him 
a veteran warrior in battles tought while 
he was a stripling of fourteen years, and 
full eight hundred miles from the battle 
field; they gave him command of troops 
where there were none to tight; defended 
a town against a heavy invading /'orce 
where every one fled to the brush; said 
he was the savior of a city, where the 



REMINISCENCES OF OLD JOHN BROWN. 



ei7 amy did not fire a gun; they repre- 
S'-'ntcd him as possessing -wisdom he did 
not exhibit; with judgment to which he 
poemed a stranger; with owning cabins in 
^hich he was only a visitor; with being 
a grower of blooded stock, to put it 
mildly, which he pressed from their own- 
ers ; with being a heavy landed proprietor 
in Kansas, where he never owned a rood ; 
with having a home in Kansas when it 
was in north-eastern New York; claimed 
that his wife was insulted and abused, 
when she was more than a thousand 
miles distant from the place of pretended 
outrage; that he had a son hacked to 
pieces by a hatchet, whom it is question- 
able if he ever saw or heard of him until 
after his death. 

Even the portraits exhibited by the ad- 
mirers of old John Brown are frauds. 
During the whole period he was known 
in Kansas he wore a long, flowing beard. 
And the same was true of him, at the 
time of his execution ; but the pictures 
bis friends take delight in, were those of 
a man several years younger, with a 
smooth shaven face — probably John 
Brown, the wool-buyer; certainly not 
John Brown, the Guerilla Chieftain. 

They credited him with making Kan- 
sas a Free State, whereas he retarded its 
prosperity and threw obstacles in the way 
of its most zealous and effective workers. 
Every slave he aided in escaping from 
Missouri; every horse pressed into his 
service; and every injury inflicted upon 
pro-slavery men was repeated on Free 
State raea, by friends of the injured 
party, with compound interest. 

Not content with all these, and num- 
berless other misrepresentations of a sim- 
ilar ( haracter, they next gave him a res- 
idence in Osawotomie, where he only 
lived at times in the guise of a visitor 
witli his sister, or other friends; and, to 
crown all, gave him a title robb^- from 



another. And that shall be the subject 
of my next sub-division. 

OSAWOTOMIE BROWN. 

Osawotomie lies near the junction of 
the Marias des Cygnes and Potawotomie 
creeks. Uniting at this point 'the river 
below is known as the Osage. 

The town was located early in the 
spring of 1855, by S. C. Pomeroy, repre- 
senting the N. E. Emigrant Aid Com- 
pany, and Orville C. Brown, a lawyer 
from Utica, N. Y. The name of the town 
was compounded by dropping the last 
two letters from Osage, and the first five 
from Pottawotomie, joining, formed Osa- 
wotomie, with but one s, as here printed. 
[0-aa-wot-o-mie.j 

Mr. Brown usually employed only his 
initials in writing his individual name. 
As there were so many other Browns in 
Kansas, and as Orville became quite 
prominent in our early conventions, he 
was frequently referred to and known at 
Lawrence, and elsewhere, as Osawotomie 
Brown. I recollect very well the earn- 
estness he exhibited when arrested by the 
mob at Kansas City in place of the 
writer, and his protest that he was not 
the Brown they wanted. He was taken 
to Riddlesbarger's for identity, dis- 
charged, and then the renewal of the ef- 
fort to take the "undersigned." 

When Osawotomie was invaded by 
Missouri, in a fruitless attempt to cap- 
ture old John Brown, for the Pottawoto- 
mie murders, a son of Orville, aged four- 
teen, fell into the hands of the maraud- 
ers and was carried into Missouri. 
After a painful search he was found at 
Lexington, in the care of a Presbyterian 
deacon, who gladly restored him to his 
almost frantic parents. From about this 
time I lose sight of "the genuine, original 
and simon pure" Osawotomie Brown. 
Two years later we find the Eastern press 
applying the pseudonym of "Osawoto- 



REMINISCENCES OF OLD JOHN EBOWN 



87 



mie" to old John JirowB, the man whose 
"soul is marching on." 

The press also confounded the name of 
R. P. Brown, mistaking him for a son of 
old John, whereas he was a teacher from 
Michigan, engaged professionally for a 
period in Mississippi. Seeing a negro 
burned alive in that State, for some tri- 
fling off'ense, as he told the writer, he 
left the South in great disgust, came to 
Kansas, and located near Leaven- 
worth. He incurred the displeasure 
of some drunken pro-slavery ruffians, be- 
cause of his intelligence, coolness and 
intrepidity in defense of his Free State 
neighbors, was set upon about the mid- 
dle of January, 1856, and was struck sev- 
eral times on the head with the sharp 
edge of a hatchet, by which his skull 
was fractured. He was then thrown into 
a lumber wagon, taken home, and bru- 
tally dragged into the yard,where he died 
sooa atter, living long enough to say, 
"They have murdered me like a dog." It 
was a terrible affair, and the actors in 
the tragedy deserved a dozen deaths; but 
he and old John Brown were strangers, 
unless they became acquainted during 
the so-called "Wakarusa War." 

NOT ALL BAD. 

I am not writing a "biography of John 
Brown," nor a "History of Kansas," as 
my critics allege; but "Reminiscences," 
or recollections, as the word is defined, 
of the Captain, with "Incidents" or 
sketches ot those times. Neither am I 
laboring to make my hero a monster of 
iniquity on the one hand, or a saint on 
the other. I have desired to tell only 
what I knew of him, and what has come 
lo me, and which I believed, from others. 

The Captain and the writer differed 
widely as regards the means to be em- 
ployed to prevent the extension and se- 
cure the final extinction of slavery, as 
upon many other subjects. From my 
earliest recollection war seemed to me a 



terrible calamity. History was never a 
source of delight, because it was mostly 
detailed accounts of bloodshed and vio- 
lence. I always thought there was no 
necessity for the arbitrament of the 
sword; that the differences between indi. 
viduals. States and nations ought to find 
a solution in peaceful means. The God 
I reverenced was a tender Parent, ever 
seeking the elevation and happiness of 
his creatures, never iheir degradation. 

The shedding of human blood, in my 
humble estimation, is never justifia!)le 
save in defense of life, or when it cannot 
be otherwise avoided, r Capt. Brown's < 
oft-quoted expression, "Without the 
shedding of blood there is no remission," 
seemed to give character to all the latter 
years of his life. He was a friend of the 
oppressed; with enlarged sympathies; a 
praying man; and, m many respects, no 
doubt, a good man ; but with his peculiar 
organization, and his earnest desire to 
aid the poor slave, he did not properly 
take into consideration the condition, 
nor properly respect the rights, liberty 
and person of the master. ■- 

Like the "Liberator," I was an anti- 
slavery man; an abolitionist; a Free 
Soiler of the John Quincy Adams and J. 
R. Giddings school ; but in going to Kan- 
sas I proposed to fight the battles of free- 
dom on that plane which I believed 
would ensure success, and make that ter- 
ritory, and all others bordering upon it, 
free territory. "One thing at a time" has 
always seemed an excellent maxim. By 
occupying certain positions we could ob- 
tain such assistance as to insure the 
results we aimed at; while an opposite 
one would, no doubt, have driven thous- 
ands from us. I was opposed to what 
was known as the "black laws," and so 
were nearly if not all from the New Eng- 
land and Middle States. The Western 
pioneers, and the great mass, if not all 
wrbo acted with us from the South, on 



5b 



REMINISCENCES OF OLD JOHN BROWN. 



the contrary, were Free State men only 
oil the condition that negroes should be 
prohibited from settling among us. We 
of the East and North felt the terrible 
injustice of such a provision, and labored 
against it until we saw we were endan- 
gering everything by our persistency; 
then we subordinated our feelings to the 
prejudices of the masses, and remained 
silent, confident that more enlarged 
views would ultimately prevail, when we 
could regain what was temporarily lost. 
John Brown, on the contrary, was firm 
and unbending. He conceded that his 
course had driven many, otherwise 
friends, into the opposition; still he kept 
•^5 determined to yield nothing for suc- 
tess. By so doing, but for others, we 
must have lost all. 

)That John Brown had many traits of 
character which commended him to the 
admiration of the public I am well 
aware. When on his way to the gallows 
he stooped and kissed a black child, a 
poor creature doomed, so tar as the 
■world then knew, to a life of toil and 
bondage. This incident aroused our 
tenderest sympathy. That act did much 
''o redeem hispast wrongs; but is no reason 
why we should cover him all over with 
adulation, falsifying history, and rob 
other men of their merits, to make him 
appear more sublime. I was -wiillng to 
give him more than the benefit of a 
doubt, and admit that — in all his de- 
demands for "blood," when he was so 
anxious to "go out and draw a little" at 
Lawrence, from the invaders ; when send- 
ing word to Gen. Lane that he would not 
obey another order unless it was to fight; 
his statement to Stearns that it would 
require a God to take Lecompte out of 
his hands if he had caught him; his 
whole life in Kansas, one of blood — he 
was partly insane— a monomaniac on the 
subject of slavery; a religious enthusiast, 
jf Ihe reader prefers, thinking tliat ho 



was an instrument in the hands of God 
to wipe out American slavery. 

It may be said that Brown was justi- 
fied in his bloody exhibitions of charac- 
ter, because of the violence of pro-slavery 
men. Others sufiered far more than he, 
and their brutal passions w^ere never 
aroused into violence. And he was by 
no means the only one who heard threats 
of indiscriminate slaughter and extermi- 
nation. For many months they were 
heard continually, and great coolness and 
forbearance were employed by Free State 
men everywhere, determined to act only 
on the defensive. The writer has many 
vivid recollections of those times, with 
his own painful experience; but he looked 
upon the persecutions as an oflfshoot ol 
the accursed system he was laboring tc 
put down, and looked forward with hope 
to the time when his efloits would be 
crowned with victory. It was this as- 
surance of final success that nerved all, 
the humblest and highest, to press for- 
ward, and which has ultimated in giving 
freedom to the world . 

John Brown, the professed Christian, 
should have taken lessons from his Ex- 
emplar, instead of showing such a thirst 
for blood, His character at Harrier's 
Ferry, after he was wounded, while under 
arrest, his hopes blighted, and even while 
in the engine house in the treatment of 
prisoners, was in pleasing contrast with 
what he exhibited in Kansas, and seems 
almost irreconcilable with his disregard 
cf human life at Pottaw^otomie. 

CONFIRMATION. 

I have been careful, throughout this 
scries of articles, to make no statement 
of my own, that John Brown w-as di- 
rectly connected with the Pottawotoniie 
massacre; but I have arrayed such evi- 
dence as was in my possession, to prove 
this fact upon him. How successful I 
have been is left to others to decide. 
Allow me. reader, before I close, t-^ •■'■' '\ 



UEMINISCENCES OF OLD JOIlt^ i3R0»/f>r. 



5) 



the additional facts which have come 
into my possession, as I hope to settle 
his question beyond further controversy. 
A well-known gentleman of integrity, 
a prominent citizen of Lawrence, well 
known to me, since the spring of 1855, 
wrote me a private letter, of date Nov. 
16, 1879, from which I make the follow- 
ing extract : 

'•Just before sunset, on the night of the 
massacre, I met old John Brown and his 
party, within a few miles of the Doyle 
settlement, on the Pottawotomie, and 
going in that direction. John Brown, 
Jr., and his company, were, at the time, 
in camp at Palmyra, this county. Old 
John Brown and his party left the camp 
early in the day, and did not return until 
the next day, when they came to the 
camp, then on 'Toywa creek near Jones'. 
* * I have never felt disposed to make 
the facts of that affair public." 

Another gentleman of Lawrence wrote 
me. Nov. 23, 1879 : 

'•I have been reading your articles on 
old John Brown. I am glad to see some 
one has the courage to write the truth 
about the Pottawotomie affair; but, good 
Lord, wont they go for you? I have often 
felt like telling what I know about it; 
but I was conscious those who were 
wholly ignorant of the facts, and were 
detprmined to remain so, would say I 
was telling that which was not true, 
hence I have remained silent." 

Even John Speer, who has higgled 
over tlie most unimportant statements I 
have made in this series of articles, and 
Tvlio has always been recognized as the 
special, ihampion of old John Brown, 
tinding lie could not sustain an alibi^ and 
the proof of his guilt being so over- 
whelming, says, in an article which 
appeared in the Lawrence Journal, No- 
vember 25, 1879 :— 

''I have taken great pains to get at the 
truth of the history of the 'Pottawotomie 
tragedy', visiting Pottawotomie and con- 
versing with the men of Brown's time, 
with a view to facts, let them fall where 
they may. I find that the belief, con- 
firmed by the traditions, go to the estab- 
lishment of the fact that John Brown ex 



ecuted these men. Tliat he ever mutilated 
their bodies, or did anything except what 
was necessary in their execution, 1 do not 
believe, nor does any man who knew 
John Brown." 

John Speer is welcome to use the word 
"executed" in place of '•'•murdered,'''' as 
used by Robinson, of Paola, if he prefers. 
And as to the mutilation, I leave that 
with Phillips, in his story about the 
Camanches, and the sworn evidence of 
those who first discovered the bodies 
after the killing, as given under the head 
of "Details of the Massacre." { 

By private letters from Kansas, I learn 
that Hon. Jas. Hanway, whose cabin was 
photographed, and palmed off as old 
John Brown's, has made a statement 
through the press touching those mur- 
ders; and while this article is in type foi 
the press, I am in'receipt of a letter from 
a prominent lawyer at Lawrence, stating: 

"I am soing this week to Osawotomie, 
to interview the man who gave Johnson 
Clark the facts; and expect to get his 
statement over bis own signature. We 
shall soon have the whole history in de- 
tail, I think it a matter of importance 
that all the truth be known and published. 
I have been reading your articles wiih 
great interest." 

THE CLINCHER. 

Hidden away in a large book, the Kan- 
sas volume "United States Biographical 
Dictionary," and rarely seen by any per- 
son other than the few simpletons who 
paid twenty dollars for a copy of the 
work, with' the additional pleasure of 
seeing their names in it, as "distinguished 
in history," is found the following state- 
ment, exhumed by Joun Hutchings, 
Esq , of Lawrence, Kan., and which he 
kindly gave to the public through the 
columns of the Home Journal, of Nov. 
20, 1879, from which I quote at length. 
It is a statement made by Hon. Johnson 
Clark, of Miami county, Kan. Rather 
choice literature in this connection : 

On May 21, 1855, William Sherman 



50 



REMINISCENCES OF OLD JOHN BROWN. 



called at the house of John T. Grant, a 
Free State man trom New York, and 
there, in anger and in liquor, told the 
Grant family that they, (the pro-slavery 
men,) intended to drive out the Free State 
men from Pottawotomie Creek and othe 
parts of Kansas. This alarmed Grant, 
and he sent his son George to the camp 
of .John Brown, who was at that time on 
Ottawa Creek, some twenty-five miles 
northwest. Upon arriving in camp, 
young Grant told John Brown the con- 
dition of things in his neighborhood, and 
the trouble anticipated if help was not 
had immediately. And here it is proper 
to state that news had come from Kansas 
City that Buford had organized and 
armed a large force of Georgia immi- 
grants, and was about to march upon 
Kansas. The news had also arrived that 
Lawrence was in ashes, and that our Free 
State Governor, Robinson, was a prisoner 
in the hands of pro-slavery "border-ruf- 
fians," at Leavenworth. In brief, it was 
a lime of terror fo appalling that it was 
felt that the destiny ot Kansas was 
trembling in the balance, and its fate 
ub'iut to be decided. 

When old John Brown received this 
message from Pottawotomie, in addition 
to all other words of distress, a council 
was held in his camp. A party of eight 
was formed, headed and commanded by 
Brown himself. The names of the other 
members of this party were as follows : 
Frederick Brown, Owen Brown, Watson 
Brown, Oliver Brown, Henry Thompson, 
(Brown's son-in-law,) Mr. Wyner, and 
last the man whr now lives in Kansas 
and gives me the particulars, and before 
whom I am now writing. This last-men- 
tioned party, whom we will call Mr. T., 
took this party in his wagon and started 
from Ottawa Creek about two o'clock in 
the afternoon, arriving at the* scene of tte 
tragedy about midnight. 

The first attack was upon a man by 
the name of Doyle and his two sons, they 
being parties that had threatened. They 
were immediately dispatched, and left 
lying in the woods near the cabin where 
they resided. They next visited the house 
of a man named Wilkinson, who was at 
the time a postmaster under Buchanan, 
and who lived about one-half mile from 
the Doyle residence, and Wilkinson was 
found dead the next morning. The party 
then proceeded to the premises of the 



Sherman brothers, which was across the 
creek, and about one mile distant. It 
was the intention to dispatch both these 
men, as they had been particularly active 
in the pro-slavery cause. Henry Sherman 
was out hunting cattle and had staid over 
night with a pro-slavery friend, but find- 
ing William, they called him out and 
left him dead in the middle of the creek, 
upon some rocks and gravel. They then 
wanten Mr. 1 to drive them to another 
place but it was now late at night, and 
he declined to take them any further. 

Mr. T says that Brown's boys did most 
of the killing, by the advice and with the 
encouragement of old John Brown him- 
self, and adds, furthei, that Bfowl him- 
self,to nerve his party for the deeds about 
to be done, stepped in front oi the first 
victim — the old man Doyle — and, draw- 
ing his revolver, shot him through the 
forehead. In conclusion, I will only add 
that this is the generally accepted version 
of the aff"air. in the vicinity of the trag- 
edy, and that, notwithstanding historians 
have written to the contrary, I have no 
doubt but time will vindicate the correct- 
ness of this statement, which is from Mr. 
T., the only known witness living in the 
State. This Mr. T. is a quiet farmer, and 
now lives within a radius of a dozen 
miles of the dreadful scene he witnessed. 
This statement has been made*\o the 
writer of this, by Mr. T., a dozeS** times, 
and, in company with Judge James Han- 
way, I visited him at his house, where 
this is written, and, after hearing it read, 
he said : ''It is correct." After a silence 
of a few moments he added : '"I took no 
hand in the kiUing, and did not approve 
of it, but Brown said: 'It must be done; 
it is better that a score of bad men should 
die than one man be driven from Kansas 
who came here to help make it a free 
State.' " Johnson Claris. 

Mr. Hutchings adds: 

It will be seen by Mr. Clark's state- 
ment that the party that committed the 
Pottawotomie tragedy consisted of six 
members of the Brown family, and t vo 
others, one of whom at least was the 
"settler in the neighborhooa." * 

CHANCE FOR COKBECTION. 

These Reminiscences, as I contem- 
plated when I commenced them, l«ve 
awakened much interest in the Kansa" 



REMINISCENCES OF OLD JOHN RBOWN. 



61 



tors miiht see my statements, and cor- 
rect any errors; as I did not flatter my- 
self I could write of so many things, all 
occurring more than twenty years ago, 
relying almost wholly on memory, with- 
out being guilty of some mistakes. In- 
deed in my acceptance of Gov. Robin 
son's invitation to write ot Old John 
Brown, I said : 

"I shall endeavor to state nothing but 
facts, as seen from my own standpoint." 

I did not propose to write from John 
Speer's standpoint, nor from that of my 
critics. Had I attempted it, probably 
my breadth of observation would have 
been far more limited. I might have 
seen some trifling matters quite diff'er- 
ently ; though from the former's exhibi- 
tion of criticisms, which I shall notice 
farther on, I think Truth would have 
suflfered quite as much in his hands as ia 
mine. 

The Lawrence Journal^ a Republican 
paper, published -v T. D. Thacher, Esq., 
who has been identiflftd with the Kansas 
'^ress sinco 1857, kindly opened its 
co'uninp, and is publishing the entire 
series, cheerfully giving space to corres- 
pondents to niJikc corrections, for which 
I take this uccasion to publicly thank the 
editor. 

The Ottawa Gazette, a Democratic 
paper, published in Franklin county, in 
which the Pottowatomie murders oc- 
curred, edited by Joel K. Goodin, Esq., 
who was among the first settlers in Kan- 
sas, associated with us in all our early 
history, and who was the faithful secre- 
tary of the Territorial Executive Com- 
mittee, and who certainly did more iard 
labor without recompense than any other 
man in Kansas, is also publishing the 
entire series. In a personal letter before 
me, he compliments the general accuracy 
of my statements, and says that m.y arti- 
cles are giving general satisfaction. 

Through these channels excellent op- 
portunities have been offered to point out 



errors for emendation. Very few of such 
have come under my observation. These 
I will take occasion to correct 

Gov. Robinson, at whoso request these 
articles were written, in a communication 
press, and brought out a vast amount of 
facts, which, but fo7 their publication, 
would have been lost to the world. Had 
I written, and deposited them in the ar- 
chives ot the Historical Society, the his- 
torian a few years later would have found 
the statements, and copied from them, 
and thus no opportunity would have 
been left for correction. I made it a 
condition of writing them that they 
should appear in three of the leading 
papers of Kansas, to the end that the ac- 
to the Lawrence Journal, of Nov 23d, 
says: 

'^^Br. Brown's letters are so full of inter- 
est that I trust lie will continue them till he 
has covered the whole field of Kansas his- 
tory. I have seen no history that tcill 
compare in interest and accuracy with his 
letters; and a complete work from him 
would be invaluable. Dr. Brown was no 
friend of mine, being estranged from me, 
for some cause I never fully understood, 
for eighteen months, so that we had no 
intercourse; yet the estrangement never 
prevented us acting together when tin; 
cause of Kansas called. The fact that 
Dr. Brown knew no friendship, but in 
the cause of free Kansas, makes him 
the fittest man to be the historian of 
Kansas." 

CORRECTIONS, 

While I have received a large number 
of letters, from prominent actors in those 
times, fully indorsing every material 
statement I have made, a few persons of 
an over critical turn of mind, and dis- 
tressed at the loss of a "lesser god," have 
controverted several minor statements, 
predicated on information derived from 
others; and from these have attempted to 
weaken the force of my entire narration. 

As before stated, I coveted criticism, 
to the end that truth only should be 
transmitted in these pages to those who 
come after us. 



G2 



remixisce:n^ces of old johx brown. 



Instead of the principal facts being 
weakened by criticisms, every one has 
received confirmation; and the central 
figure has been presented in a more dam- 
aging attitude than I contemplated. 

I stated, under the head of '-History of 
a Revolver," that '-the shooting of Sheriff 
Jones was the first blood actually drawn 
by Free State men in Kansas." To have 
been correct I should have said, as T de- 
sir^-d to be understood, it was the first ag- 
grei,!stce act of violence hy Free State men. 
The killing of Henry Davii, by Lewis 
Kibby, Nov. 29, '.54, was on the defensive; 
as was that of Malcom Clark, by Cole 
Mc rca, at Leavenworth, April 30, '55. 

I did not state that Charley Lenhart 
shot Sheriff Jones. I only gave the facts 
of the loan of the revolver, by .Miss Glea- 
son; the discharge, which she heard; the 
hasty rjturu of Lenhart, with the revol- 
ver, minus one charge ; and the deduction 
that it was Charley who did the shooting. 
By the statement of Capt. Swift, it ap- 
pears that Lenhart did discharge the re- 
volver, but not at Jones; that it was a 
Mr. Filer who inflicted the wound. The 
critic will turn to my account, and he 
will see that I did not err in fact, but in 
deduction. 

As to the justice of applying the title 
of '"C-iptain" to Lenhart, I have an origi- 
nal "order"' in my possession, in Gen. Jas. 
H. Lane's hand writing, and signed by 
liim, directed to "Captain Charles Len- 
hart,"' ordering him to "take such num- 
ber of active young men as you shall 
det-ni neccs.sary, and proceed with as lit- 
tle delay as possKjle to colonize Kick- 
apoo." In duo time I will place that doc- 
ument in tlie Historical Society of Kan- 
sas. Is not this sufhcient authority for 
me to mention Charley with the title of 
Captain? 

The rumor I gave that Lenhart was 
killed in a foolish attempt to rescue 
Capt. Brown, is also disproved. It seems 



he served his country during the first 
years of the rebellion, and died in Ar- 
kansas, with consumption, while yet in 
the service. 

It is claimed that I was mistaken in 
the statement, that the Territorial Exec- 
utive Committee was originally appointed 
at Big Springs, on the oth of September, 
1855; whereas it is represented they were 
appointed at Topeka fourteen days later. 
The question is not important; but I 
think I can demonstrate that my memory 
is correct in this case. I.? it not strange 
that a new party was organized without 
any committee to represent it in the 
future? The committee, unless I am 
greatly mistaken, was appointed at Big 
Springs, and was organized hy trickery, 
as I will show sometime, with Col. Lane, 
as Chairman. The Topeka Convention, 
on the 19th, was holden to consider the 
project of a State movement, and to pre- 
vent any collision of authority re-ap- 
pointed the Big Springs' committee, with 
Lane as Chairman, and J. K. Goodin ^s 
Secretary. I wrote up the proceedings 
in detail, of the Big Springs convention, 
and published the same in the Herald of 
Freedom. The same matter was used in 
pamphlet form, two thousand copies of 
which were printed, and I have no doubt 
somebody has copies of them. If my 
memory serves me correctly, I was ap- 
pointed with others, a committee to com- 
municate the proceedings of the Big 
Springs convention to Gov. Shannon. 
"Would I have been likely to have re- 
ceived this appointment if not a dele- 
gate? 

I stated, as a fact, that I was invited 
by Gov. BobinsoD, who is President of 
the Historical Society of Kansas, to write 
these Reminiscences. The letter of in- 
vitation was i^ublished at the commence- 
ment of the series, and shows for itself, 
that it was not done in his official capacity. 
1 am glad to write, however, that two 



ilEMINISCENCES OF OLD JOHN BROWN. 



63 



icopies of the entire work will be prc-- 
fierved by that body among its archives. 

Again, my informant was somewhat 
mistaken in the time old John Brown 
left the camp of his son, going in the di- 
rection of Pottawotomie, and probably, 
Bs to the place and hour of his return. 
Human memory is treacherous. Possibly 
I did not report him accurately. 

The charge that I have systemized the 
order of presenting my facts is puerile, 
and unworthy the head and heart of the 
icritic making the objection. He who 
concedes so much reverence for his hero, 
:and who, no doubt, indorsed the state- 
ment, credited to Ralph Waldo Emer- 
son, that "The time will come when the 
gallows of old John Brown will be glori- 
!Ous like the cross of Christ," ought to tol 
israte a little honest skepticism in that di- 
rection. 

A quotation is made from a letter it is 
said old John Brown wrote to Sanborn, 
'to destroy the force of my facts, that the 
Herald of Freedom was in disrepute by 
Free State men. That paper was a foe to 
all forms of wrong doing, whether com- 
mitted by pro-slavery men, or those act- 
ing in the Free State ranks. Jayhawkers, 
thieves and murderers, had reason to 
"despise it," and if John Brown associated 
with that class of "Free State men," he, 
no doubt, heard just such expressions as 
it is claimed he employed in regard to it. 
The position of the Herald of Freedom 
through all those times is one I can look 
back upon with pride, as I trust is the 
case with every other honest reader of it. 
Censure, from some persons, is the 
highest possible commendation. '^ 

Under the head of "John Brown in 
Lawrence," first paragraph, I said: 

"I tliink there were seven men stand- 
ing in the box. * * * Each man sup- 
ported himself with a pole, probably six 
to eight feet in length, surmounted with 
a bayonet." 

John Speer, the accurate critic and very 



truthful historian, represents that I said: 

"John Brown came with seven nons, 
armed vi'ith pike poles ten feet long." 

Three additions in two lines! Now 
either John Speer misrepresented or was 
mistaken! Which? He had just read 
my statements, and, if disposed to play 
critic, should have been more accurate. 
Possibly there were but four sons and the 
father in the wagon. Does that render 
my statement, "I think there were seven 
men in the box," invalid? Twenty-four 
years lie between that event and the 
present, and, taking Speer's statement, I 
erred two-sevenths; while John Speer 
converts my "poles" "from six to eight 
feet in length," into '■'■pike poles ten feet 
in length. And my "seven men''' into 
seven sons,'''' increasing the entire number 
to eight. Will some mathematician tell 
us how long the poles would have been, 
and what name they would have borne, 
had he waited twenty-four years before 
writing? And how many men would 
have been in the wagon, had he told the 
story after the same lapse of time? ^ 

Williams, riding behind, saw the party 
some distance back sitting, the old man 
with a rifle across his knees. Does this 
prove that they were not standing when 
they entered town? The poles were green 
ones, recently cut, and still covered with 
bark. Where they obtained them, or 
however numerous the denials, / knoto 
the poles were there, and the facts are 
just as I have stated. 

I am charged with being a partisan of 
Gov. Robinson. From the 3d of July, 
1856, to December 23d, 1857, Gov. R. and 
myself held no intercourse with each 
other. From that time to my leaving 
Kansas, nearly fifteen jears ago, we only 
met a very few times, and then to ad- 
vance the cause which took each of us to 
that Territory. I was never, in any 
sense, a partisan of Gov. Robinson ; but 
let me do that gentleman and myself the 



64 



REMINISCENCES OF OLD JOHN BROWN. 



justice to say, that wliile the breach be- 
tween us was greatly widened by the 
action of the "professional letter writers," 
we came together, almost involuntarily, 
when we mutually felt that the freedom 
of Kansas was contingent on our harmo- 
nious action. From that time our per- 
sonal animosities ceased, without ex- 
planation, and time, I trust, has satisfied 
each, that the other is in the main, at 
least as good as the average man, without 
regard to what the world may say in that 
direction. 

Thus much for my reviewers. If any 
gentleman will write me, pointing out 
any other errors, it will give me pleasure 
to make the proper corrections when 
these pages shall Ije again put in type. 

THK FLY ON THE LOCOMOTIVE. 

We find, running through recent ac- 
counts of John Brown's raid into Virgin- 
ia, the very silly asserrion that his at- 
tack, at Harper's Ferry, produced the 
Rebellion of the Southern States, and 
the emancipation of the slaves in conse- 
quence, ^^his assertion is of a similar 
character with that of the eastern press 
in representing the Pottawotomie massa- 
cre as the outgrowth of the killing of 
Frederick Brown, which antedated the 
killing by more than three months. 

The South had threatened the nullifi- 
cation of United States laws, as early as 
1833-"33, and a general conspiracy for 
secession was set on foot; but the whole 
movement was suppressed by the master 
mind of Jackson. Through all the years 
that followed to 1861, the critical ob- 
server saw that we were standing on the 
verge of a smouldering volcano, ready to 
burst forth at any time. Calhoun and 
associate conspirators were ever active in 
furtherance of their desires, while Ben- 
ton, Clay and Webster were eqally ener- 
getic to thwart their purposes. 

Soutliern success in securing the ad- 
mission of Texas; the passage of the com- 



promise measures of 1850; and the ac- 
quisition of newly acquired territory, sus- 
pended their action for a time. They 
lost control of the House of Represent- 
atives, in 1856; and the admission of Kan- 
sas into the Union in 1861, destroyed 
their last hope of controlling either 
branch of Congress ; for this, with the ad- 
mission of Minnesota, gave the North a 
heavy preponderance in that body, which 
they knew they could never regain. 

The united South had hoped to make 
Kansas a slave State. They knew it was 
the key which would decide the fate of 
Nebraska, Colorado, New Mexico, Ne- 
vada, Arizona, Montana, Utah, etc. Fail- 
ing to secure their wishes in this respect ; 
and, to crown the causes for distress, in 
a square issue between the North and 
South, a northern President was elected. 
They decided to submit the question to 
the arbitrament of war, hoping through it 
if they regained nothing, they would 
prevent what they deemed further ag- 
gressions. 

Possibly the invasion of Virginia, un- 
der the circumstances, may have been 
employed by southern demagogues as an 
instrumentality to further inflame the 
southern heart; but this was never their 
pretext in a single State paper. They 
complained of the disregard of solemn 
covenants, on the part of the North ; of 
continued interference, both in Congress 
and out of it, with their peculiar insti- 
tutions; they said that legislation had pro- 
hibited slavery in the District of Colum- 
bia, in violation of good faith ; that the 
fugitive slave law was a dead letter on 
the statute books; that their rights were 
everywhere disregarded. 

The faithful historian has at all times 
stated the fact, that the contest between 
freedom and slavery in Kansas, inaugur- 
ated the rebellion, and ultimated in the 
freedom of a continent. The other alle- 
gation is the product of such minds as 



HEiMINISCENCES OF OLD JOHN BROWN. 



GJ 



James Redpath and his congeries of 
Northern disunionists, who, like the fly 
on the driving wlieel of a locomotive 
pompously exclaimed, "Look and see 
what a vast train I am moving!" 

HERO WORSHIP. 

' "W Hi to that man who does not rever- 
ence the gods we set up." It is no less 
true to-day than in the days of Nebu- 
chadnezzar. The fiery furnace of public 
opinion is ever burning, and ever ready 
to consume those who will not obey the 
popular mandate. "Away with him, 
crucify him," is heard on every hand, 
through every age, directed against all 
bold enough to have and express an hon- 
es thought. 

When the Egyptian god Serapis was 
de:>troyed, in the year 385, by the order 
of Theodosius, at the instance of the 
Christian Bishop of Alexandria, and the 
rGmainiuu 350,000 volumes of the great 
Alexandrian library was burned, with the 
temple, the people looking on were hor- 
rilii-J beyond expression. They had 
been I aught that Serapis caused the Nile 
to overtiow and fertilize the country. 
Til y thought, following this indignity 
to their -od, and the desecration of his 
teini/ie, the great river would cease to 
give its annual tribute to the soil; that 
pr diictive harvests would cease; and 
starvation follow. No terms were suffi- 
ciently expressive with which to denounce 
the authors of their sorrow. They were 
sincere in their denunciations, and really 
b.;:ieve(l the threats of their priests would 
UJ executed to the letter. 

Tiie seasons rolled on; the waters came 
uDwa fii-m the mountains at their accus- 
tomed time, aud biouglit the usual fer- 
tilizing productions; the valley of the 
Nile was clothed with beauty and ver- 
d;ne. Tiiough Serapis was dead the gold- 
en iiarvests were as luxuriant as ever. 
T!ie people were fed. Peace and pros- 
perit. reigned. Soon the deluded devo- 



tee saw that his imagined deity had ot 
the power to interrupt the great processes 
of Nature, and his name was no longer 
revered. 

It is so with regard to all heroes. Tliey 
are the idols of the age in which hey 
live, and are worshipped as such. Stat- 
ues are erected to their memory when 
dead. Costly monuments adorn their 
resting places; and lying epitaphs perpet- 
uate the popular applause. Another gen- 
eration goes by. Cool reflection takes 
the place of the frenzied hour; histories 
are ransacked ; the truth is learned; the 
hero of yesterday is forgotten to day; 
and, like Marat in French history, liis 
bones are removed from their resting 
place by the side of kings; his portraits 
are torn down and trampled upon; his 
mausoleum is demolished; and fragments 
of his costly monument are all that re- 
main of him whom a " grateful nation " 
so highly idolized as to vote a pension 
for life to his concubine. 



CONCLUSION. 

I knew full well that the task I at- 
tempted — to correct the false in history 
— was an unpopular one. I was aware, 
before a single line was written, that 
popular prejudice had enshrined a hero, 
and, as in classic story, his devotees were 
" filling the air with hideous shrieks and 
shouts, and crying aloud, 'Great is 
Bacchus !' " Occupying too humble a 
position to feel the shock of their blows, 
and too strong in the rectitude of my in- 
tentions to be diverted from my purpose; 
fully conscious of my inability to do 
justice to what I had undertaken, I have 
continued to the end, content to leave 
to the conscientious and unprejudiced 
reader, and to future times, the rendition 
of their verdict. Whether I have contrib- 
uted anywhat of facts to aid in placing 
in his true position, in American history, 
the Guerilla Chieftain and Visionary En- 



66 



REMINISCENCES OP OLD JOHN BROWN. 



thusiast, the 'gallant and intrepid' Old 
John Brown? 

As the earth from a fiery beginning, 
with convulsions of a most gigantic char- 
acter; the incessant roar of contendinp 
elements; upheavals and depressions; 
volcanic eruptions and rivers of molten 
rock, and showers of scorise and ashes; 
geysers, everywhere sending up floods of 
boiling water, dissolving into vapor, and 
descending in torrents, falling on heated 
rock to again ascend as steam, forming 
clouds which obscured for ages sun and 
stars; lightnings ever flashing along the 
sky, with crash on crash ot deafening 
thunders; earthquakes rending the globe, 
and upheaving mountains and depressing 
valleys; all nature everywhere discord- 
ant; hurricanes and cyclones ever active; 
— thence change following change in 
gradual succession from age to age, until 
the present delightful era, when the earth 
is clothed with beauty, adorned with 
verdure, and animal life fills up the 
waste places, and man appears to 



crown the whole with wisdom and 
joy; — so we have seen Kansas, torn and 
convulsed by contending factions; neigh- 
bor warring with neighbor; Anarchy and 
Discord sweeping over the land, amid pil- 
laged homes, burning dwellings,scattered 
families, death and mutilation, grim- 
visaged famine, desolating pestilence, 
conflagrations, and all the multitudinous 
ills that humanity is subject to;— thence 
tranquility, and order, and beaming 
peace; labor largely rewarded, and pros- 
perity attendant upon every enterprise; 
commerce spreading her whitened sales; 
the school room showering intelligence 
upon her youth ; joyous homes every- 
where springing up, while Contentment 
is smihng at every door, as we find it to- 
day; and, bending in silent but humble 
adoration, before that Wisdom wliich 
crowns all with peace and happiness, we 
bid the reader, for the present, a clieerfui 

FAREWELL ! 

THE END. 



APPENDIX, 



The admirers of old John Bro-wn must 
desire the possession of every important 
fact that throws light upon his history 
While the preceeding sketches were pas- 
sing through the Kansas press a vast 
amount of new information, heretofore 
concealed in the breasts of interested 
partisan friends, have come to light. 
Such as has fallen under the observation 
of the writer, I propose to add in this 
Appendix, and shall conclude with a 
Review, from Hon. Eli Thayer, of Massa- 
chusetts, which will only appear in the 
pamphlet. 

Valuable Correspondence. 
Worcester, Mass., Dec. 10, 1S79. 

Dr. G. W. Brown : — I have received, 
and read with the greatest interest, 
your "Reminiscences of old John Brown." 
I earnestly hope you will continue these 
papers until they embrace all the impor- 
tant fuctsof the early Kansas history. 

I inclose herewith a letter which I re- 
ceived last summer from Hon. Geo. A. 
Crawford, of Fort Scott, Kansas, in rela- 
tion to John Brown's Pottawotomie 
Massacre, and his raid into Missouri, 
which I think may be of use to you, and 
which T would like to have preserved in 
the Kansas Historical Society. 

I am confident that Mr. Crawford will 
not object to its publication. Mr. C, in 
iftdvising John Brown to leave the Terri- 



tory, in my opinion, gave expression to 
the general desire of the men who made 
Kansas a Free State. * * * 

Thanking you sincerely for the great 
work you are doing for the truth of his- 
tory, I remain, very truly yours, 

Eli Thayer. 



Fort Scott, Kan., Aug. 4, 1879. 
Hon. Eli Thayer, WoRcester, Mass. 

My Dear Sir:— Yours of the 28th ult. 
received asking for facts in my posses- 
sion in regard to John Brown's participa- 
tion in what is known as the Pottawato- 
mie massacre, and the raid into Missouri. 

In reply I would state that 1 was in 
John Brown's camp, at the Trading Post, 
in Linn county, Kansas, early in January, 
1859, and had conversations with him in 
regard to both transactions. 

As to the "Massacre" he said h(s would 
not say that he was not engaged in it, 
but he would say that he advised it, and 
iustilicd it, and was willing to take a full 
share of the responsibility of it. He 
said that the death of those pro- slavery 
men had been determined upon, at a 
meeting of free state settlers the day be- 
fore; that he was present at that meeting, 
and, I think, presided, and that the ex- 
ecutioners were then and there appointed. 
He said he would not say that he was 
one of them, but he would say that if it 
was wrong he was as much to blame as 
any. 

He gave as a reason for the deed tliat 
the men were carriers of news to the 3Iissou- 
rians, that they kept a "grape vine tele- 
graph" with Missourians, and were eudaa- 



68 



APPENDIX. 



gering the settlements, by bringing in 
the invaders. He said it became neces- 
sary to make an example, and so strike 
terror, and put an end to that sort of 
thing. 

As to the raid into Missouri — it was 
made on the 20th Dec. 1858, four days 
after the raid into Fort Scott. It was led 
by Capt. Brown in person. Capt. Mont- 
gomery refused to go along — protested, 
as I have understood, against it, — but 
came to the aid of the Kansas settlers 
when retaliatory raids were afterwards 
expected. The Captain's Company 
marched down the Little Osage River, in 
the north part ot this county, and about 
12 miles from here, and proceeded into 
Vernon Co., Mo., a distance of three or 
four miles. 

The Missouri Democrat, of Dec. 30th, 
1858, gave the Missouri statement of the 
losses. I presume it is correct. Files 
of other papers of the period would 
show. It states that they "murdered" 
David Crews, (or Cruise,) "kidnapped a 
negro woman," took wagon, horses &c., 
and robbed Mr. Martin and family of a 
fine mule; took Irom the estate of James 
Lawrence, in possession of his son-in-law 
Henry Hicklin, five negroes, 2 horses, 1 
yoke of cattle, an ox-wagon, a double 
barrel shot gun, saddle and clothing. 
From Isaac B. LaRue, five negroes, six 
Worses, 1 yoke of cattle, clothing — and 
took prisoners whom they released. 

Ja the conversation to which I have 
afluded. Captain Brown said he had 
sent the slaves on to their freedom; that 
they had earned the property of their 
masters; and that his young men were 
entitled to forage to the extent of their 
subsistence. He denied the current ru- 
mor that the slaves had been taken away 
by violence and against their will. 

As to the killing of Cruise, he said 
that he had given strict orders for the 
careful use of the guns; and that there 
should be no firing unless resistance was 
oflFered. He had divided his men into 
two squads, one on each side of the 
stream. In the house of Cruise one of 
his quick-blooded young men, supp(>sing 
that Cruise was about to draw a weapon, 
had fired, killing him instantly. I infer- 
red that the Captain was not present. 
He claimed to have reprimanded the 
young man lor his haste. 

Cruise was a good citizen — a plain un- j 



offending farmer. It was reported that 
he had no weapons on his person. The 
killing of him was an unjustifiable out- 
rage, and it subjected our settlements to 
great danger from retaliatory measures. 

I protested to the Captain against tliis 
violence. We were settlers, he was not. 
He could strike a blow and leave. The 
retaliatory blow would fall on us. Being 
a free-state man, I myself, was held per- 
sonally responsible by pro-slavery ruf- 
fians in Ft. Scott, for the acts of Capt. 
Brown. 

One of these ruffians, Brockett, when 
they gave me notice to leave the town 
said : " When a snake bites me I don't go 
hunting for that particular snake. I kill 
the first snake I come to." 

I called Capt. Brown's attention to the 
facts that we were at peace with Missouri ; 
that our Legislature was then in the 
hands of Free-State men, to make the 
laws; that even in our disturbed counties 
of Bourbon and Linn we were in a ma- 
jority, and had elected the officers both 
to make and execute the laws; that with- 
out peace we could have no immigration; 
that no southern immigration was com- 
ing; that agitation, such as his, was only 
keeping our northern friends away, &c. 

The old man replied that it was no 
pleasure to him — an old man — to be liv- 
ing in the saddle, away from home and 
family, and exposing his life; and if the 
free-state men of Kansas felt that they no 
longer needed him he would be glad to 
go. 

He seemed very erratic — at war with 
all our accustomed ideas on the slavery 
question — but very earnest. 

I think the conversation made an im- 
pression on him, for he soon after went 
to his self-sacrifice at Harper's Ferry. 

Yours, Geo. A. Crawford. 

THE POTAWATOMIE TRAGEDY-COL. BLOOD's 
RECOLLECTION. 

RocKFORD, III., Nov. 19, 1879. 
Jas. Blood, Esq. 

My Dear Sir: — Yours of the 16th is at 
hand, and I hasten to reply. 

Twenty years ago I made a statement 
of the Potawatomie massacre in the Her- 
ald of Freedom. Alter writing it, but be- 
fore passing to the compositors, I chanc- 
ed to meet a gentleman to whom I allud- 
ed in my recent statement. He suggest- 
ed several corrections, which were made 
in his presence, and re-read to him; 



APPENDIX. 



69 



wheu he said the statement, as amended, 
was correct, and he would make affidavit 
to it, if the truth should ever be called 
in question. He further made the addi- 
tional statements at the time whicli I 
liave added. I asked leave to refer to 
him then. He declined, saying he did 
not wii-h to be mixed up in the matter, 
but sometime he would take i)leasure in 
stating all his knowledge on the subject. 

I did think of sending him the state- 
ment for his indorsement before publish- 
ing at this time; but was so sure that my 
memory served me correctly, and had 
such confidence in his statement, that, in 
the hurry, with the length ol time that 
must intervene between writing and pub- 
lication, I gave it to the printers with- 
out consultation with him. 

lu all cases where possible I have given 
the names of living witnesses and wish I 
could do so in every instance. 

I think you will excuse me fornot 
giving at present ihe name you request, 
but I will take great pleasure in correct- 
ing, at the close of the series of articles, 
which is now near at hand, auy errors 
which I have been led into by misstate- 
nunts of others, or defective memory, as 
it is my desire that the truth, and the 
truth only, be stated in the premises. 

The whole matter is being stereotyped 
as we advance, and it is expected that 
the edition, in pamphlet or book form, 
will be large; hence I ask it as a favor 
to the public and. to another generation, 
for whom I principally write, that every 
error be corrected in the same volume in 
which the original statement is made. 

I am satisfied that you are in posses- 
sion of valuable facts in the matter. I 
have always known you as a gentleman 
of the strictest truth ; your opportunities 
of observation, through all these times, 
were large; neither of us have anything 
to gain by concealment, or to lose by the 
fullest exposure. Those who come after 
us have a right to be fully informed of 
the times in which we lived; therefore I 
again ask you to give me a full and 
frank statement of the facts, without any 
reflections on anybody, and it shall have 
as wide circulation as the original state- 
ment. 

Thanking you for your kindness in 
writing me, and wishing that any and all 
other persons having knowledge on this 
subject would be equally frank, and 



write me direct, to the end that I may. in 
my closing articles, make the proper cor- 
rc^tious, I am, with pleasant old-time 
memories, Very truly yours, 

G. W. Brown. 



COLONEL blood S REPLY. 



Lawrence, Kan., Nov. 29. 1879. 

G. W. Brown, M. D., Rockford, 111. — 
Dear Sir: Yours of the 19th inst., was 
duly received, but I have hesitated to 
comply with your request to write for 
publication a statement of what I know 
about the "Potawatomie massacre," in 
1856, I was not "an eye witness," but 
have concluded to make a statement of 
incidents that came within my observa- 
tion, as I recollect them. 

In the spring of 1856, I went east on 
business, leaving my family in Lawrence. 
I was in New Hampshire, when I 
learned that the border ruffians were 
gathering, under ruffianly federal officers,, 
to destroy Lawrence. I immediately 
started for home, arriving at Kansas City,. 
I think, on the 21st day of May, 1856. I 
could find no way of getting to Lawrence, 
direct, but hired a close hack to take me,, 
with two or three friends (one of thenrL 
was J. F. Bliss, now residing at Oskaloo- 
sa,) to Ossawatomie. We instructed the 
driver to say to any one who might halt 
us, that he was taking some men to 
Pleasant Hill, Missouri. We drove south 
through Westport, and the parties halt- 
ing us appeared to be satisfied with the 
reply of the driver. We stayed that 
night at a farm house in Missouri, a short 
distance south of Westport. The next 
day, the 22nd, we took dinner with Bap- 
tiste Peoria, where Paola now stands, 
and arrived at Osawatomie in the after- 
noon. From there we sent the hack 
back to Kansas City. 

The next morning I bought a horse of 
O. C. Brown — who will be remembered 
by the old settlers as the original Osa- 
watomie Brown. After having the horse 
shod, I started in the afternoon of the 
23rd of May, from Osawatomie for Law- 
rence, by way of Ottawa Jones' and Pal- 
myra. 

I was informed while at Osawatomie 
that the active pro-slavery men of that 
part of the Territory had gone to Le- 
compton to join the border ruffians in 
their attack upon Lawrence, and tliat 
most of the Free State men had gone, 



70 



APPENDIX. 



ai.iicr the lead of Capt. John Brown, Jr., 
ti lid in the defence ol Lawrence, 

It was nearly sun-down that afternoon 
■^ hen, between Potavvatomie Creek and 
Middle Creek, and but a few miles 
fioni the Doyle settlement, I saw a party 
of men coining fron the west and going 
toward Potavvatomie Creek, As we ap- 
proached each other I could see the 
gleam of the sun's rays reflected from the 
moving gun-l)arrels of the party, in a 
wagon. When M'ithin perhaps 100 yards 
thiy sto|ii)i d, and a man rose up in the 
wairo.n and cried, halt! I immediately 
reeoijni/( d old John Brown, and stated 
who I was, calling him by name. I was 
then allowed to approach the party, 
'i here were in the wagon John Brown, 
and, to the best of my recollection, four 
of his sons, his son-in-law, and a man 
driving the team, whom I did not know, 
making seven in the wagon. There was 
also a man on horseback, I think his 
name was Wymer, or Winer. 

The party all appeared to be fully arm- 
ed with rifies, revolvers, knives or swords. 
I think some of them at least had a pecu- 
liar instrument, something like a Scotch 
claymore, or a short, very heavy broad- 
sword. John Brown had presented me 
with one of the same kind, while at Law- 
rence, during the Wakarusa war, in the 
fall of 1855. 

I talked with the old man for some 
time. I believe he was the C)nly one of 
the party who spoke. He stated that 
tney had left Capt. John'Brown Jr., with 
the Potawatomie company, in camp near 
Palmyra. He informed me that Law- 
rence had been sacked and burned, and 
that a number of leading Free State men 
had been taken prisoners. He seemed 
very indignant that there had been no 
resistance; that Lawrence was not de- 
fended ; and denounced the members of 
the committee and leading Free State 
men as cowards, or worse. His manner 
was wild and frenzied, and the whole 
party watched with excited eagerness 
every word and motion of the o'd man. 
Finally, as I left them, he requested me 
not to mention the fact that I had met 
them, as they were on a secret expedition^ 
and did not want any one to know that 
they were in that neighborhood. 

I came on, and when I arrived at Mid- 
dle Creek it was dark, — so dark that im- 
mediately after crossing the creek I lost 
the road, and after riding some time re- 
turned to the crossing, where I found the 



road and arrived at Jones' late in the 
night. 

The next morning, the" 24th, I again 
started for Lawrence. When I arrived 
at Palmyra, I fjund the Potawatomie 
company, with one or two other com- 
panies of Free State men, and there 
learned that Capt. John Brown, Jr., had 
gone to Lawrence to learn the condition 
of things there. 

I rooe on toward Lawrence, and met 
Capt. Brown, Jr., south of Wakarusa. 
From him I obtained the first reliable in- 
formation as to what had taken place at 
Lawrence. He appeared to be in good 
spirits and perfectly rational. 

When a day or two later we heard of 
the massacre of the Doyles,Wilkinson,aud 
Sherman, on the Potawatomie, on the 
night ot the 23d, I could have no doubt 
as to who committed the deed. I could 
not resist the conviction that it was done 
with those Scotch claymores. I remem- 
bered the wild frenzied look and appear- 
ance of old John Brown and his party, 
when I met them near the Potawato- 
mie settlement, on that evening,and only 
a few hours before those men were kil- 
led. 

I believe the Free State men liere re- 
garded this horrible tragedy with more 
sincere and sorrowful regret than any 
other incident of our struggle. It was 
regarded as terribly damaging to the 
Free State party and cause. No suffi- 
cient justification or defence could be 
made. 

I sincerely believed that it was the 
work of insane men. Their halting at 
that distance a solitary traveler, who 
was apparently unarmed, and upon the 
open prairie where they dould see for 
miles around, seemed to me evidence of 
insanity. Certainly that number of so 
well-armed men could not fear an as- 
sault and capture, or that they were in 
any immediate danger. I noticed that 
while we were in conversation the boys 
watched every look and gesture of the 
old man — keeping their guns in their 
hands ready for instant action. 

A short time after the Potawatomie 
massacre I had a conversation with 
George Partridge, an old acquaintance 
and friend of mine from Wisconsin, who 
was then a settler on the Potawatomie. 
He was a strong anti-slavery man, and 
was killed later that summer in the fight 
at Osawatomie. 

Mr. Partridge informed me that he was 



REMINISCENCES OF OLD JOHN BROWN. 



71 



a member of Capt. Jnlin Brown, Jr's. 
c 'mpany, and was with them on tlieir 
expedition to Palmyra, in May. He 
stated that old John Brown l)ecame fren- 
zied at the condition of affairs in the 
Territory, and the refusal or failure of 
Free State men to fight; that the old man 
left the company, on the 23rd, with six or 
seven others, and against the remon- 
strance of his son, Capt. John Brown, Jr.; 
that when, on the afternoon and evening 
of the 24th, while in camp at Ottawa 
J(>nos',news wasreceiv^ed of the massacre, 
Captain Brown, Jr., became insane, and 
w is t iken liome the next day a maniac. 

Mr. Partridue also stated that the 
oiily prov. citiou the Doyles had given; 
as far as he knew, was, that at the spring 
election, a nhort time before, Doyle ex- 
pret'Sed his dislike for negroes and ahol - 
tionists, and that Brown expressed his 
dislike of pro- slavery men. He said that 
denunciations and threats were made on 
both sides. * 

In the foregoing I have stated the 
incidents as I recollect them. Mr. Part- 
ridge had no doubt that the killing was 
done by old Jolm Brown and his party, 
and sincerely regretted the affair. 

I believe that when we heard here of 
the Potawatomie massacre Col. Samuel 
Walker was sent down there by the com- 
mittee (of which Gen. Babcock was 
chairman,) to learn all the facts in rela- 
tion to the matter. Perhaps Coloi e- 
Walker or Gen. Babcck could furnish 
some information on the subiect. 

Respectfully, J. Blood. 

* Of all the fifteen oroveiMlifferent motives given for 
this terrilile massacre, including that by Capt. Brown 
himself, to Gov. Crawford, this, liy Mr. Partridge, to 
Col. BloO'l, seinis the most plausible. — Brown. 

STATEMENT OF THE GRANTS. 

Geo. W. Grant, a son of John T. Grant, 
mentioned by Johnson Clark, in an arti- 
cle headed "Clincher," made a state- 
ment to the Lawrence Journal a few 
weeks ago, the greater substance of 
which is friven below, from that paper, 
as follows: 

"We were near neighbors of the Sher- 
mans, of the Doyles, and Wilkinson. 

"When the news came that the Border 
Ruffians were aliout to attack Lawrence, 
the Free State men of Potawatomie 
Creek raised a company to go to the 
rescue. It was under command of Capt. 
John Brown, Jr. I was a meml)er of the 
company. We started for Lawrence, 
but on the way there a messenger reach- 



ed us saying it was too late; that the 
town was already sacked. While lying 
in camp the company was drawn up one 
day, and old John Brown called for vol- 
unteers, sayinj;: "//ww many men will vol- 
unteer to go with me and obey my ordfrsH 
When he called for volunteers Jilin 
Brown, Jr., said: "Father, I ol)jeci to any 
of the men leaving. We are getting up 
near the eneiny and may need them." 
After the number hid volunteered Joh'i 
Bown, Jr., said, "Father, be careful and 
commit no rash act." The volunteers 
were Fred, Owen, Salmon and Oliver 
Brown, Thompson, John Brown's son-in- 
law, Mr. Winer, and Mr. Townsley, with 
his team. After they had volunteered 
they went in*o camp by themselves, and 
ground up tlieir sabres. They were armed 
with short swords or sabres. 

"When we were at Ottawa Jones', the 
Brown party came in during the night. 
The next morning I saw one of Dutch 
Henry's horses, which tliey had brought 
in. It was a gray horse, with mane and 
tail sheared. We had beard of tiie kil- 
ling on Pottawatomie Creek, at Palmyra, 
and had returned. 

"The efiect of the news of the massa- 
cre on John Brown, Jr., was very marked. 
He showed great agitation, and gave up 
the command of the company to H. II. 
Williams." 

[Then follows a long account of the 
provocation for the massacre. As we 
have at least fifteen difl'erent reasons 
given, one by Capt. Brown himself to 
Gov. Crawford, we will not tax the read- 
er with any additional ones.] 

"They were apparently killed by a 
thrust with the short sword, and by cuts 
over the head with the sabre, except 
Doyle, who was shot in the forehead, and 
also stabbed. There was no idea at that 
time that the bodies had been purposely 
mutilated. The wounds in the hands 
had apparently been made either in at- 
tempting to ward oft' blows, or iii grasp- 
ing the blades of the short swords. 

Mrs. Wilkinson's description of the 
leader pointed out Brown as present at 
th? killing. She mentioned his being an 
old man, and his wearing a iblack stock 
about his neck, which Brown habitually 
wore. Nobody on, the creek doubted that 
John Brown was the leader of the party. 
As to the killing, it was the current story 
that Brown shot Doyle, but personally 
did nothing more, and that the cutting 



72 



REMINISCENCES OF OLD JOHN BROWN. 



and stabbing was done by other members 
of the party. 

Tlie effect of this massacre on the in 
habitants of the creek, was to greatly 
alarm both parties. The pro-slavery set- 
tlers almost entirely left at once and the 
Free State people were constantly fearful 
of vengeance. As a matter of fact, there 
was no more killing on either side in 
that neighborhood. Dutch Henry — 
Henry Sherman, was killed in the spring 
of 1857, but politics had nothing to do 
with it." 

To this statement, in the Journal of 
Dec. 11th, 1879, is affixed the signatures 
of Geo. W. & H. C. Grant. 

The following appeared as an editorial 
in the Lawrence, Kan. Standa/rd, of Dec. 
nth, 1879: 

"were thby mutilated?" 

Mr. Tnwnsley, in his statement about 
the Pottawatomie massacre, says that 
the bodies of the Doyles were not muti 
lated, or at least not to his knowledge 
Mr. Ely Moore, who is employed in the 
Standard office, says that he arrived at 
the scene of the murder before the bodies 
were cold, that the ears and noses of old 
man Doyle and one of his sons were cut 
off, and that old man Doyle had a great 
gash down the side of his face, cut ap- 
parently with a sword or sabre. John 
Brown's pistol ball entered just over 
the eye. 

Mu. townsley's statement. 

The statement of Mr. Townsley, given 
below, was procured by John Hutchings, 
Esq., of Lawrence, Kansas, referred to at 
the close of my article headed "Confirma- 
tion." In answer to the question, "Who 
is Mr. Townsley?" the Lawrence, Kan, 
Journal says: 

James Townsley, whose statement in 
regard to the Potawatomic affair we 
publish this morning, was one of 
the first settlers in Anderson county. 
In Johnson's history of that county 
we notice that he was one 
of the Commissioners who located its first 
county seat, at a place called Shannon, 
Marcli 1, 185G. At that place all the 
county business was transacted until April 
5, 185(5. He was also one of the Comniis 
sioncrs wlio located in the same moulli 
the first road in the county, ruiiiiiiii: 
from Slicrmanvillc [Dutch Henry's Crus 



sing] through the county seat to Hamp- 
den and Cofachique. Most, if not all of 
these places now exist only in history, 
and it is said that only a few 
persons in the county can point 
out the place even where the first 
county seat stood. Mr. Townsley's 
history, however, is not likely to bj so 
ephemeral. The closeness of his relation 
to the hero of Harper's Ferry in one of 
the most striking if not important acts 
of his life, will be likely to secure for his 
name a remembrance not soon to be ex- 
tinguished. 

I am a native of Hartford county, state 
of Maryland, and was born August 29, 
1815. I enlisted in company I, Capt. 
Benjamin L. Bell, Second United States 
dragoons, and served five years in the 
war waged against the Seminole and 
Creek Indians, a part of the time under 
the command of Gen. Taylor, and was 
discharged in August. 1844, at Fort 
Washita, Indian territory. I am a jjamt- 
er by trade, and followed that business 
in Fallston, in my native county, until 
October 20, 1855, when I eniii,nated to 
Kansas with my family, and settled in 
Anderson county, on the Potawatomie 
creek, about one mile west ot Greeley, 
I joined the Potawatomie rifle company 
at its re-organization in May, 1856, at 
which time John Brown, Jr.,was elected 
captain. On the 21st of the same ni'inth 
information was received that the Geor- 
gians were marching on Lawrence, 
threatning its destruction. The company 
was immediately called together, and 
about 4 o'clock p. m. we started on a 
forced marcii to aid in its defense. 
Aljout two miles south of Middle Creek 
we were joined by the Osawatomie com- 
pany, under Capt. Dayton, and proceeded 
to Mount Vernon, where we wait- 
ed about two hours, until the 
moon rose. We then marchea all night, 
cam|)ing the next morning, the 22d, for 
breakfast, near Ottawa Jones'. Before 
we arrived at this point news had been 
received that Lawrence had been des- 
troyed, and a question was raised whether 
we should return or go on. During the 
forenoon, however, we proceeded up Ot- 
tawa creek to within about five miles of 
Palmyra, and went into canij) near the 
residence of Captain Shore. Here we 
rcniHiucd undecided over night. About 
noon the ne.\t day, the 2i5il, old John 
IJrown came to me and said he had just 
received information that trouble was ex- 
pected on the Potawatomie, and wanted 



REMINISCENCES OF OLD JOHN BROWN. 



73 



to know if I would take my team and 
take him and his boys back so that they 
could keep watch of what was going 
on. I told him I would do so. The 
party consisting of" old John Brown, Fred- 
erick Brown, Owen Brown, Watson Brown, 
Oliver Brown, Henry Thompson [John 
Brown's son-in-law,] and Mr. Winer, 
were soon ready for the trip, and we 
started, as near as I can remember, about 
2 o'clock p. m. All of the party, except 
Mr. Winer, who rode a pony, rode with 
me in my wagon. When within two or 
three miles of the Potawatomie creek, we 
turned oflf the main road to the right, 
drove down to to the edge of the timber 
between two deep ravines, and camped 
about one mile above Dutch Henry't 
crossing. 

After my team was fed and the party 
had taken supper, John Brown told me 
for tlie first time what he proposed to do. 
He said he waited me to pilot the com- 
pany up to the forks of the creek, some 
live or six miles above, into the neighbor- 
hood where I lived, and show them 
where all the pro-slavery men 
resided ; that he proposed to sweep the creek 
as he came down of all the pro-slavery men 
living on it. I positively refused to doit. 
He insisted upon it, but when lie found 
tliat I would not go he decided to post- 
pone tlie expedition until the following 
night. I then wanted to take my team 
und go home, but he would not let me do 
so, and said I should remain with them. 
We remained in camp that night and all 
day the next day. Sometime after dark 
■we were ordered to march. 

We started, the whole company, in a 
northerly dinction, crossing Mosquito 
creek above the residence of the Doyles. 
Soon after crossing the creek some one of 
the party knocked at the door of a cabin, 
but received no reply — I have forgotten 
■whose cabin it was, if I knew at the 
time. The next place we came to was 
the residence of the Doyles. John Brown, 
three of his sons and son-in-law went to 
the door, leaving Frederick Brown, Winer, 
and myself a short distance from the 
house. About this time a large dog at- 
tacked us. Frederick Brown struck the 
dog a blow with his short two-edged 
sword, after which I dealt him a blow 
■^i^ith my sabre, and heard no more of him. 
The old mai Doyle and two sons were 
called out and marched some distance 
from the house toward Dutch Henry's in 
the road, where a halt was made. Old 
John Brown drew his revolver and shot the 



old man Doyle in the forehead, and Brown's 
two youngest sons immediately fell upon 
the younger Doyles with their short two- 
edged swords. 

One of the young Doyles was stricken 
down in an instant, but the other at- 
tempted to escape, and was pursued a 
short distance by his assailant and cut 
down. The company then proceeded 
down Mosquito creek to the house of 
Allen Wilkinson. Here the old man 
Brown, three of his sons, and son-in-law, 
as at the Doyle residence, went to the 
door and ordered Wilkinson to come out, 
leaving Frederick Brown, Winer and 
myi!<cif standing in the road east of the 
house. Wilkinson was taken and marched 
some distance south of his house and 
slain in the road, with a short sword, by 
one of the younger Browns. After he 
was killed his body was dragged out to 
one side and left. 

We then crossed the Potawatomie and 
came to the house of Henry Sherman, 
generally known as Dutch Henry. Here 
John Brown and the party, excepting 
Frederick Brown, Winer, and myself, 
who were left outside a short distance 
from the door, went into the house and 
brought out one or two persons talked 
with them some, and then took them in 
again. They afterward, brought out 
William Sherman, Dutch Henry's 
brother, marched liim down into the P.)t- 
awatomie creek, wjiere he was slain with 
swords by Brown's two youngest sons, 
and left lyini; in the creek. 

It was the expressed intention of 
Brown to execute Dutch Henry also, but 
he was not found at home. He also 
hoped to find George Wilson, Probate 
Judge of Anderson County, there, and 
intended, if he did, to kill him too. Wil- 
son had been notifying Free State men to 
leave the territory. I had received such 
a notice from him myself. 

I desire to say Iiere that it is not true 
that there was any intentional mutilation 
of the bodies after they were killed. 
They were slain as quickly as possible 
and left, and whatever gashes they re- 
ceived were inflicted in the process of 
cutting them down with swords. I un- 
derstand that the killing was done with 
these swords so as to avoid alarming the ■ 
neighborhood by the discharge of fire- 
arms. 

I desire also to say that I did not then 
approve of the killing of those men, but 
Brown said it must be done, for the 
protection of the Free State settlers; th it it 



74 



KEMINISCENCES OF OLD JOHN BROWN. 



was better that a score of bad men should 
die than that one man who came here to 
make Kansas a free state should be driven 
out 

Brown wanted me to pilot the party 
into the neighborhood where I lived, and 
point out all the pro-slavery men in it, 
wliom he proposed to put to death. I pos- 
itively refused to do it, and on account 
of my refusal I remained in camp all of 
the night upon which the first attack was 
to be made, and the next day. I told 
him I was willing to go with him to Le- 
compton and attack the leaders, or fight 
the enemy in open field anywhere, but I 
did not want to engage in killing these 
men. That night and the acts then per- 
petrated are vividly fixed in my memory, 
and I have thought of them many times 
since. 

1 then thought that the transaction was 
terrible, and have mentioned it to but 
few persons since. In after time, how- 
ever, I became satisfied that it resulted 
in good to the Free State cause, and was 
especially beneficial to the Free State 
settleis on Potawatomie creek. The pro- 
slavery men were dreadfully terrified., and 
large numbers of them soon left the ter- 
ritory. It was afterward said that one 
Free State man could scare a company of 
them. I always understood that Geo.W. 
Grant came to our camp on Ottawa creek, 
near Capt. Shore's, with a message from 
his father, John T. Grant, to John Brown, 
asking for protection from threatened as- 
saults of the Shermans and other pro- 
slavery rutfiaus. But I did not know 
Geo. W. Grant at the time, and do not 
remember of seeing him. I frequently 
heard the circumstance mentioned as a 
fact. After the killing of William Sher- 
man, some time after midnight, vv-e all 
went back to camp, about one mile dis- 
tant, wliere we had left my team and 
other things. We remained in camp until 
after noon of the following day, and then 
started to join the Potawatomie company 
under John Brown, Jr. When we reached 
Ottawa Jones' about midnight, we found 
them in camp at that place. 

The next morning the company was 
called together just after breakfast, 
and John Brown. .Jr., announced his re- 
signation, and requested the company to 
elect another captain in his place. The 
name of II. H. 'Williams, now of Osawa- 
tomie, and my own were presented and a 
vote taken which resulted in the election 
of Williams. _ Tile com |)any then broke 
camp anil started for home. After cross- 
in" .Middle Cretk at Mount Voruon, John 



Brown, with the rest of the party who 
accompanied him on the Potawatomie 
expedition, fell back from the balance of 
the company and struck of to the left of 
the main Potawatomie rr^d, in the direc- 
tion of the cabins of John Brown, Jr., and 
Jason Brown. Tha* night we staid at 
the cabin of the f'^rmer, keeping up a 
guard all night. The next night we went 
to Jason Brown's, about one mile and a 
half away. Here we remained several 
days, all the time on the watch. While 
we remained here August Bundy, and I 
think Benjamin L. Cochran, joined us. 
After several days, as I now remember, a 
young man by the name of Carpenter 
came to us from Prairie City and gave 
the information that Capt. Pate was in 
the vicinity in search of Brown. That 
eveniuji we all took horses and started 
for Prairie City, where we arrived ih xt 
morning about daylight and campid in 
the timber on Ottawa creek, near C.ipt. 
Shore's. While John Brown was coo'-ing 
breakfast for the company, James RlmI- 
path came into our camp and had some 
conversation with Cajit. Brown. 

I saw Redpath again after the bittle 
of Black Jack, near B'-.e Mound, and I 
desire to say in this .onnectiou, that I 
never told Redpatl at any time that John 
Brown was not prjsent at the Pcttawoto- 
mie tragedy. Ilis statement, which was 
read to me,'^to the effect that "two squat- 
ters, who aided in the execution," gave 
him such information, is totallij fdse, so 
far as I am concerned. As Winer and 
myself were the only settleis in the 
neighborhood not members of Brown's 
family who were present at the tragedy, 
I can only conclude ho referred to ns. 
In the afternoon, after we camped in the 
woods near Capt. Shore's, we moved up to 
Prairie City. We picketed out our horses 
and laid down not over a hundred yiirds 
from the store. About the middle of the 
afternoon six of Pate's men came riding 
into town, four of whom we captured 
and held as prisoners. During the after- 
noon Capt. Shore raised a company of 
about thirty men, and in the evening we 
started in pursuit of I ate. The next 
morning before daylighc we obtained in- 
formation that he wrj camped at Black 
Jack ])oint, and we moved forwanl with 
about twenty-four men to attack him. 
When within a mile of Pate's forces we 
all dismounted, lelt seven men in charge 
of the liorses, and, with seven te(!n mm, 
made the attack. In about tifleer; jiin- 
utes wo drovu them 'nto the rnviiiL-. 'I'he 
fiiiht couliuucd about three hours when 



REMINISCENCES OF OLD JOHN BROWN. 



75 



Pate surrendered. About the time we 
got the captured arms loaded into the 
wagons ready to move, Maj. Abbott's 
company came up and we ail marched 
back to Prairie City with the prisoners. 
Here we remained until Col. Sumner re- 
leased them. 

At this time I left John Brown, and in 
company with Charley Lenhart and 
many other Lawrence parties, camped in 
thetimber near Ottawa Jones'. 

I make this statement at the urgent 
request of my friends and neighbors, 
Judge James Hanway and Hon, Johnson 
Clarke, who have been present during 
all the time occupied in writing it out, 
and in whose hearing it has been several 
times read before signing. 

James Townsley. 

Lane, Kan., Dec. 6, 1879. 



CONFIRMATORY LETTER FROM COL.WALKER. 

Lawrence, Kan., Dec. 21, 1879. 
Dr. G. W. Brown — Dear Sir: — I have 
just read your a\.'ticle in your John 
Brown series, entitled "Another Inva 
sion." You are correct in your state- 
ment that Maj. Abbott was in command 
on the day you mention. He was ap- 
pointed officer of the day on the 13th, 
and was not relieved on Sunday morn- 
ing, the 14:th, as Gen. Lane was away, 
and no one was named to succeed him. 
When news came in on Sunday that the 
jnemy was moving on Lawrence, Maj. 
Abbott asked me what he should do. I 
told him to keep on his sash, and do the 
best he could. He ordered me to get 
what mounted men I could, and go to 
Franklin, and reconnoitre in that direction 
and gain such intelligence as I could of 
the enemy's movements. All the 
mounted men I could find in the city 
numbered only ten. When we started 
out I saw your sister, Mrs. Mandell, with 
a rifle in her hands. 



John Brown had no command of any 
kind on that day. The me i with me 
were the first to exchange sh )t3 with the 
invaders. Coming bnck we met ihe 
Stubbs, under Capt. Crack in, marchii g 
in the direction from wluch we can e. 
The next morning John Br iwn was cr ne 
— no one knew where. 

Gov. Geary, in making terms with the 
invading forces, consented to let tliat 
portion of them which belonged North, 
pass through the city, and cross the 
river on tlie ferry. When Maj. Abbott 
heard of it he came to me, and said that 
it would never do to let the d — d skunks 
pass through the city in triumph. He 
and I mounted our horses and rode to 
Gov. Geary's quarters, on the hill, and 
told him we would never consent to 
allow an armed force to pass througli 
the city — if no one else would fire on 
them we would, and thus would bring 
on a collision. The Governor consulted 
with Col. Cooke, and the latter labored 
to convince us that the Governor was 
right. But we refused to yield. The 
Governor finally issued an order, whicli 
was executed by an orderly, directing the 
party to pass up the California road. The 
murder of Buff"um was the result. ^ 

At the erection of John Brown's monu- 
ment I heard Senator Ingals say, in his 
speech, "that John Brown and no one 
else saved Lawrence on that occasion; 
thai John Brown was in command; and 
but for him it would have been destroyed." 
The facts are just as you have stated : 
Gov. Geary and Col. Cooke saved Law- 
rence. 

Public opinion is changing here, not- 
withstanding Speer and Hanway are 
going for you. I exp°ct you will go for 
us all, but let the facts come out. It is 
better for all parties. I could tell you 
many things confirmatory of your state- 
ments in regard to old John Brown, as 
well as additional thereto. 

I remain as ever, Yours, 

Samuel Walkku. 




JOHN BROWN'S FRAUDULENT CABIN, 



See Page 50.] 



I^EVIE^W^. 



As a fitting conclusion to this Appendix, I add a Review, by Hon. Eli Thayer, 
of Massachusetts. No person watched with greater interest than he every movement in 
Kansas while freedom and slavery were at issue in that Territory. That the reader may 
the better comprehend the stand-point from which Mr. T. writes, he will allow me briefly 
to state, that in 1854 he was a Representative from the city of Worcester, in the Massa- 
chusetts Legislature. In January of that year, Mr. T. devised the plan of the Emigrant 
Company, and in February went with his charter, before the Judiciary Committee, of 
which Judge Colt, now of the Supreme Court of Massachusetts, was Chairman. Mr. 
Thayer said in substance before the Committee, that the Kansas- Nebraska bill was sure 
to become a law ; that the country ought to be prepared for it ; that the decisive struggle 
between freedom and slavery was about to transpire ; that for many years this contest 
had been carried on in Congress, with invariable triumph for slaver}', and invariable de- 
feat for freedom ; that it was time to change the battle ground, and we must be ready to 
try the issue on the prairies ; that if the South gave us fair play, our superior strength 
and power of organization would give us certain victory ; that if slavery would not allow 
us fair play we were a thousand times more certain to triumph, for while the North was 
always willing to endure the aggressions of slavery, if made according to law, she would 
crush all such as were made contrary to law ; that the granting of the charter would be 
the overthrow of slavery, by making Kansas free, and by securing freedom to all our 
other territories. Thus the political power of slavery would be ended, and, speedily, its 
life. The Kansas-Nebraska bill became a law on the 30th of May following. Mr. T. 
had been several months in the field, and had, through the press and forum, thoroughly 
aroused the New England States. He was made President of the Emigrant Aid Com- 
pany, and traveled from city to city, addressing the assembled thousands ; entrancing 
them with his powerful eloquence, and arousing the people to a full consciousness of their 
danger and duty. He induced capitalists to subscribe largely to the stock of the Com- 
pany, to enable it to encourage the humble pioneer, who, stimulated by a similar zeal for 
the right, should go forward, and by actual settlement in the Territory, contribute his 
share towards developing its resources, and in 'laying deep and broad the foundations of 
an empire which shall be sacred to freedom." 

With funds thus raised, cheap rates of travel were established ; large parties were 
enabled to travel together for mutual aid and protection ; cities were projected and located; 
the press was encouraged ; saw-mills and hotels were built ; lumber was furnished at 
moderate prices ; and the destitute were frequently given employment ; while worthy 
agents were kept on the alert, watching with paternal care the development of the infant 
colonies ; and, more than all, were continually active with pamphlets, circulars, news- 



78 REMINISCENCES OF OLD JOHN BROWN. 



papers, memorials to Congress, and public addresses, in building up and sustaining a 
powerful sympathizing and favorable opinion in the States. 

Mr. Thayer was ihe founder, proprietor, and principal of the Oread Institute, in 
Worcester, a Seminary for the education of young ladies. This he neglected, to his 
serious pecuniary loss, to give his great labors to the welfare of the future, by excluding 
slavery and its blighting influences from the plains of Kansas. 

When mob violence destroyed Lawrence, the Emigrant Aid Company, with its organ- 
ized capital and energy, to give cheer to the settlers, set itself at work to speedily re-erect 
that w'hich was demolished. When arms were needed for defence, careful that the 
Company, as such, should commit no breach of rights, its members, in their individual 
capacity, promptly contributed of their means, the necessary money to buy and ship 
them to Kansas. 

In the darkest hour, when others despiared of success, Mr. Thayer was full of hope ; 
wrote cheerful words of encouragement ; and assured all that the resulr would be fully 
satisfactory. 

Like the great mass of the active friends of Kansas in the Eastern States, Mr. Thaj'er 
wasdeceived by placing confidence in the representations of old John Brown. Ignorant 
of the full facts until years after, Mr. T. contributed largely of his private means to aid 
the old man in his insurrectionary movements. 

If Mr. Thayer expresses himself forcibly, in hostility to old John Brown, the reader 
will observe that he was induced, by falsehood, t') furnish arms to be used in a rebellion 
against the sovereignty of the United States ; that Hon. Gerritt Smith was driven to 
insanity, when he learned of the abuse made of his money and confidence furnished in 
the same direction ; and that Mr. T. felt that he was highly censurable for reposing confi- 
dence in his integrity. But I am detaining the reader quite too long with this introduction : 



"One of that saintly, murderous brood, 
"To carnage and the Koran given, 
"Who think through unbelievers' blood 
"Lies their directest path to heaven." 

G. W. Brown, M. D. — Dear Sir : — Every lover of historical truth owes you a 
debt of gratitude, for your fearless and manly review of the history of John Brown in 
Kansas. You have followed the guidance of facts to their logical and indisputable con- 
clusions, unterrified by denunciation and abuse, unmo\ed by the sickly protests and the 
sickening entreaties of the sentimental worshippers of the subject of your sketch. That 
a man so narrow and bigoted as he, so ignorant and deceptive, so ferocious and malig- 
nant, should have been puffed into the semblance of a moral hero, or inflated to the 
majestic stature of a god, is one of the greatest wonders of this wonderful century. 

It was fortunate for Kansas that John Brown did not enter her borders till the time had 
passed when he, or any other man, could have changed her destiny. Had he come one 
year earlier, his blind ferocity, and unreasoning hatred of slave-holders, might have sub- 
jected our infant colonies to retaliatory acts by Missourians, which they would have been 
powerless either to resist or a\ ert. 

Still more fortunate would it have been for that afllictcd Territory if he had nevrr come 
at all. He had nothing in common with the Free State settlers, and camo, not as they, 
to make a free State, but to incite a Noithern rebellion against the government of the 
Union. He confessed his failure to accomplish that purpose, and left the Territory after 
he had been entreated to do so by Gov. Crawford, and other prominent Free State men. 
The busy pens of a few Northern disunionists recorded his departure as a great loss to the 
P'ree State Council ! When was John Brown ever seen in Council ? When was his 



REMINISCENCES OF OLD JOHN BROWN. 79 

advice on public measures ever solicited ? Did President Lincoln ask the counsel of Tom 
Hyer, the pugilist, concerning the v^^ar of the Union ? 

According to Mr. Redpath, John Brown despised Councils, but was always ready to 
fight. In Dickens' "Dombj^ & Son" appears a like character, — Chicken, the boxer, — 
whose only inquiry was always : "Is there any body to be doubled vip .'"' In studying the 
method of "doubling up" somebody John Brown found "scope and verge enough" for all 
his intellectual ability. He could not have understood, if he would, the philosophy of 
that organization which made Kansas a free State, and which, from its first action, gave 
assurance of its ultimate success, in strict accordance with the law and the Constitution. 

As the case now stands, but little more may be said of John Brown. No one need 
paint again the ghastly picturfe-on the Pottawotomie ! Five unarmed men, taken from 
their homes at midnight, and murdered in cold blood ! The supplicating agony of wives 
and children, soon changing to the despairing wail of widows and orphans ! Five dead 
bodies lying unattended on the bleak prairie, with heads split open, hands cut off, 
breast and jaws punctured, and the curdling blood crying from the ground for vengeance ! 
An appalling scene ! One more hideous than this could scarcely be presented to mortal 
eye. Friends and eulogists can never palliate, or explain away, the damning infamy and 
fiendish atrocity of the doers of this horrid work. As that picture is now presented, so it 
must remain forever ! Invincible truth will be its keeper, and no friend of the great 
criminal can throw light on its deep shadows, or erase a single one of its loathsome 
features. Neither can it be made worse. The concentrated malice of all Brown's ene- 
mies, with unlimited license to do their will, could add nothing to its overwhelming 
horrors ! No one need again expose to public execration that merciless tyranny which 
drove one of his sons through murder to insanity, and two others through treason to 
death ! 

In that brief portion of Brown's history which is before the public, there are some cases 
of "conspicuous inexactness," which contrast very strikingly with that "eminent truthful- 
ness," so fervidly described and so .tenaciously dwelt upon by his admiring eulogists : 

1. He told F. B. Sanborn and many others that he was not present at the Pottawoto- 
mie massacre. It is proved that he was present as commander of the midnight assassins. 

2. He repeatedly affirmed that he took no part in the killing, though he approved of it. 
It is proved that he slew with his own hands one of the hapless and helpless victims ! 

3. He asserted that in his Missouri raid he liberated several slaves without bloodshed 
and without the use of weapons. It is in proof that one respectable and quiet farmer was 
murdered in that raid, by one of Brown's men. 

4. Before his attack upon the United States' arsenal, at Harper's Ferry, he spent several 
weeks in Virginia. He pretended to be a mineralogist, and went about with a hammer 
breaking off the corners of rocks. Under the pretext of seeking for copper he found 
opportunities for trying to enlist slaves in his little rebellion. These facts were narrated 
to me by a representative in Congress from the Harper's Ferry district. 

5. The surveyor trick is already well understood. It was of the same character with 
his mineralogical observations. 

6. While he was in Massachusetts, in i857-'58, I repeatedly heard him recite his "Cap- 
ture of Henry Clay Pate." He gave the same rendition of that highly interesting story 
several times a day while he was here, describing the same incidents with minute exactness 
in the same identical language. The substance of his narrative was, that he met Clay Pate 
on the open prairie ; that he had nine men on foot, and Pate twenty-seven on horse-back, 
and that he captured Pate and his entire command. When asked why Pate did not 
wheel about and ride away. Brown said : "We received three rounds without harm from 
Pate's men while marching towards them. We then fired and two or three of Pate's 
men fell from their horses. Then they all seemed stupefied. Leaving my men I went 
oer to Pate and held my pistol to his head comman ding him to surrender. He surrend- 



8o REMINISCENCES OF OLD JOHN BROWN. 



ered !" Then followed the clinching pantomime of drawing from one of his boots a huge 
bowie knife with the name of Pate engraved upon the handle. No allusion was ever 
made in these recitals, in my hearing, to Capt. Shore, or Capt. Mewhinnv, or to their 
men. It may be his "kindness of heart" restrained any utterance which might have 
exposed the two Captains, and thetr companies, to retaliatory measures from Missouri. 

7. The writer's confidence has been many times abused, but never in any other instance' 
so grossly and wickedly abused as by John Brown. Not long before his attack on the 
United States arsenal he came to my house to ask for arms, with which, he said, 
he intended to protect some Free State settlements in Kansas, against an invasion of 
Border Ruffians, at that very time in process of preparation. He would not tell me 
how he had ascertained the fact of the intended raid, or what was the proof of it. He 
said he knew it and would like to be prepared to save our settlements. I gave him all 
the arms I had. I did not hear of him, or the arms in Kansas, or of any invasion of 
Border Ruffians, but I did hear of his attack ufon the United States' Arsenal, at Harper's 
Ferry, -with these identical arms, which were there captured. In this way he made my 
devotion to the free State settlements in Kansas, serve to aid and abet his own Treason 
in Virginia. Had he told me the truth, effective measures would have been taken to 
prevent his suicidal and murderous work. When the end justifies the means lying may 
be a holy vocation .' 

So in all these transactions John Brown may have thought he was doing God's service. 
Ignorant, infatuated, intolerant, — the ripest growth of Garrisonian disunionism, — he had 
the daring to do what the others of his school had only courage to resolve, to wit : that, 

"The time has fully come for the people to practically assert their right of revolution." 

John Brown threw away his life in a futile effort to translate into heroic deeds the 
graceless gabble of a few Northern Secessionists. Stimulated by their sentiments, and 
exasperated almost to frenzy by his attempts and failures in Kansas to sustain them, he 
determined to rush, single-handed, against the power of the United States. Cervantes 
himself never wrote any thing one-half so Qiuxotic. If John Brown did not know that 
this was suicide he knew less than any other sane man in the country. But it was suicide, 
such as might be supposed to have attractions for a man of his obstinate ambition and 
adverse experience. It was suicide, to be justified by the teachings of disunion societies ; 
to be sanctified by its simulation of martyrdom; to be glorified by all the abolition seces- 
sionists in the free States. 

Some charitable people say that our "hero" was insane, but there seems to^have been 
"too much method for madness." His disease appears to have been rather moral than 
mental, and of that kind that could not have been economically cured in any swine-pro- 
ducing country near the sea. But whether sane, or insane, he acted well the part of 
Jieavy villain in the Kansas drama. Now "his soul goes marching on ! " Well, let it 
march — until it shall become infinitely remote ! 

Worcester, Mass., Jan. 13th, 1S80. ELI THAYER. 








O 

w 
w 

H 

o 

H 

p 
w 



o 

w 



INDEX. 



Dedication, 

Introduction, 

Correspondence, 

Prefatory, 

Explanatory, 
• First notice of John Brown in Kan. His., 

Acquaintance with the Sons, 
■J The Wakarusa war, 
/John Brown in Lawrence, 

Capt. Charley Lenhart, 

Personal to the writer. 

History of a revolver, 
, Sacking of Lawrence — Arrests, 
/Horrible murders on the Pottawotomie, 

Details of the massacre. 

Incidents of history, 

Who was responsible for the massacre. 

Further, who was responsible. 

Newly discovered evidence, 

Terrible arraignment. 

Motive for the killing, 

Too good to murder, 

Eftect of massacre on Free State praty. 

Effect not limited to Kansas, 

The Summer of 1856, 

John Brown's biographer, 

John Brown, Jr., 

Gov. Gearj', 

A crisis approaching. 

Another invasion, 

Federal interposition. 

The pro-slavery account, 

Redpath's statement, 

Capt. Brown's statement. 



v 


An interlude, 


39 


vi 


A strange coincidence, 


40 


vi 


Further strategy. 


41 


3 


An exciting incident, 


41 


4 


The terrible fate of a typo. 


43 


5 


Brewerton, 


44 


6 


A first class bore. 


46 


6 


The letter-writers. 


48 


7 


John Brown's cabin a fraud, 


50 


9 


The home of John Brown, 


50 


9 


A glance in passing, 


51 


II 


-'Return to Kansas, 


.52 


12 


An important letter. 


S3 


12 


Kansas too hot for him. 


54 


13 


/Osawotomie Brown, 


56 


14 


Not all bad, 


57 


16 


Confirmation, 


58 


17 


The clincher. 


59 


19 


Chance for correction, 


60 


20 


Corrections, 


61 


21 


The fly on the locomotive, 


64 


22 


Hero worship, 


6S 


22 


Conclusion, 


65 


26 


Appendix, 


67 


27 


Letter of Mr. Thayer, 


67 


28 


Letter of Gov. Crawford, 


67 


30 


''Potawoto'e massacre, Col. Blood's letter 


68 


32 


Statement of the Grants, 


71 


32 


Were they mutilated. 


72 


33 


Mr. Townslcy's statement, 


72 


34 


Confirmatory letter of Col. Walker, 


75 


36 


Review, 


77 


3^' 


Introductory notice of Mr. Thayer, 


77 


3S 


Eli Thayer's Review, 


78 



ILLUSTRATIONS 



Capt. John Brown, 

John Brown's Fraudulent Cabin, 

French Medal to the Brown Family, 



Face Title Page. 
76 
81 



(^ The Truth at Last. History Corrected. ^^ 

REMINISCENCES 



OF 



OLD JOHN BROWN 



OP 

BORDER LIFE IN KANSAS; 

WITH AN APPENDIX, 

CONTAINING STATEMENTS, AND FULL DETAILS OF THE POTTAWQTOMIE MASSACRE, 

BY GOV. CRAWFORD, COL. BLOOD, JAS. TOWNSLEY, COL. WALKER, 

AND OTHERS, TO WHICH IS ADDED 

A REVIEW : BY HON. ELI THAYEE, OP MASSACHUSETTS. 



BY Gr. ^Sr. BIlOA^^N, M. D. 



Where thou flndest a lie that is oppressing thee extinguish it. Lies exist only to be extinguished. 
They wait and cry earnestly for extinction. Think well, meanwhile, in what spirit thou wilt doit: 
not with hatred; not with headlong, selfish violence; but in clearness of heart, with holy zeal, 
gently, almost with pity. — Carlyxb. 

Let Truth and Falsehood grapple. Who ever knew Truth put to the worse in a free and open 
encounter?— Milton. 



ROCKFORD, ILLINOIS: 
STEREOTYPED AND PRINTED BY ABRAHAM E. SMITH. 

1880. 

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